Tuesday, 4 January 2011

Raúl Castro's Speech to the Cuban National Assembly

Raúl Castro: Speech at The National Assembly.
Source: Radio Cadena Agramonte, 18 December 2010.


Comrades all:

We have been meeting for several days now discussing extremely important matters for the future of the nation. This time, in addition to our customary work in commissions, the deputies have met in plenary with the purpose of analyzing the details of the current economic situation, as well as the budgetary proposals and the economic plan for the year 2011.

The deputies have also devoted long hours to the thorough evaluation and clarification of some doubts and concerns about the Draft Guidelines for the Economic and Social Policy of the Party and the Revolution.

Our media has given a broad coverage to these discussions in order to make it easier for the general public to receive this information.

In spite of the impacts of the world crisis on the national economy, the irregular rainfall patter during the last 19 months -from November 2008 until June this year-, and without excluding our own errors, I can affirm that the performance of the 2010 economic plan could be deemed as acceptable considering the times we are living. We will attain the goal of 2.1 per cent growth in the Gross Domestic Product, better known by its acronym (GDP); exports of goods and services have increased. The annual forecast figure of foreign visitors has already been reached when the current year is not yet at a close. Although once again we will not be able to meet the planned revenues goals, we have strengthened the domestic financial balance and, for the first time in several years, we are beginning to see a favorable dynamic, still somewhat limited, in work productivity as compared to average salary.

Withholdings of foreign transfers or, what amounts to the same thing, the restrictions we were forced to impose at the end of 2008 on payments from Cuban banks to foreign suppliers -which shall be totally suppressed next year- have continued to decrease. At the same time, significant progress has been achieved in the rescheduling of our debt with our principal creditors.

Once again I would like to thank our commercial and financial partners for their confidence and understanding; I confirm to them our most steadfast intentions of punctually honoring our commitments. The Government has given precise instructions to not take on new debts without guaranteeing their payment within the terms agreed upon.

As was explained by the Vice President of the Government and Minister of Economy and Planning, Marino Murillo Jorge, next year’s plan foresees a 3.1 per cent GDP growth, which should be reached in the midst of a scenario that is not any less complicated or tense.

The year 2011 is the first of five included in the midterm projection of our economy. During this period we shall be gradually and progressively introducing some new structures and concepts in the Cuban economic model.

During the coming year, we shall decisively move on to reduce superfluous expenses, thus promoting the saving of all types of resources which, as we have said on several occasions, is the quickest and safest source of income at our disposal.

Likewise, we shall not overlook in the least the social programs in the areas of health, education, culture and sports; we would rather raise their quality, since we have identified enormous reserves of efficiency through a more rational use of the existing infrastructure. We shall also be increasing exports of goods and services, while continuing to concentrate investments in those areas showing the quickest return on those.

Regarding the economic plan and the budget, we have insisted that the old story of non-compliances and overdrafts must come to an end. The plan and the budget are sacred. And I repeat, from now on, the plan and the budget will be sacred; they were drafted to be complied with, not to make us feel content with justifications of any sort or even with imprecisions and lies, whether deliberate or not, when the goals previously set are not met.

At times some comrades, although without a fraudulent purpose, contribute inaccurate information received from their subordinates without previously checking them and so they fall into unconscious lying. But these false data could lead us to make wrong decisions with major or minor repercussions on the nation. Whosoever acts in that manner is also lying, and whoever these persons may be they must be definitively and not temporarily removed from the position they hold and, after the analysis of the corresponding bodies, they must also be removed from the ranks of the Party, should they be a member of it.

Lies and their harmful effects have accompanied mankind since we learned the art of speech in ancient times, motivating society’s condemnation. We recall that the eighth of the Ten Commandments of the Bible reads: “Thou shalt not bear false witness or lie”. Likewise, the three basic moral ethical principles of the Inca civilization stated as follows: do not lie, or steal, or be lazy.

We must struggle to eradicate, once and for all, lies and deceit from the cadres’ behavior at all levels. No wonder Comrade Fidel in his brilliant definition of the concept of Revolution, pointed out, among other things: “...to never say a lie or violate ethical principles”.

After the publication of the Draft Guidelines for the Economic and Social Policy on November 9th last, the train of the Sixth Party Congress has taken on steam, since now the true congress will be the open and honest discussions of said guidelines by Party members and the entire people. This genuine democratic exercise will allow us to further enrich that document and, without excluding divergent opinions, achieve national consensus about the need and urgency of introducing strategic changes in the way the economy functions, with the purpose of making Socialism in Cuba sustainable and irreversible.

We should not be afraid of discrepancies of criteria and this instruction, which is not new, should not be interpreted as being limited only to the discussions of the Guidelines; the differences of opinion, preferably expressed in the right place, time and form, at the right moment and in the correct form, shall always be more desirable than the false unanimity based on pretense and opportunism. Moreover it is a right nobody should be deprived of.

The more ideas we are capable of inspiring in the analysis of a problem, the closer we shall come to its correct solution.

The Economic Policy Commission of the Party and the 11 groups which make it up, have worked long months to draw up the abovementioned guidelines which, as we have explained, shall constitute the leitmotif of the Congress, based on the conviction that the economic situation is the most important task of the Party and the Government and the basic subject of cadres at all levels.

During the last few years we have been insisting that we could not let ourselves be carried away by improvising and hurrying in this area, bearing in mind the magnitude, complexity and the inter-relations of the decisions to be adopted. For that reason I think that we did the right thing when we decided to defer the Party Congress even though we had to patiently resist the honest and also the ill-intended protests both inside Cuba and abroad urging us to rush into the adoption of a score of measures. Our adversaries abroad, as we might expect, have challenged our every step, first by calling the measures cosmetic and insufficient and now trying to confuse public opinion by prophesizing a sure failure and concentrating their campaigns on the extolling of an alleged disappointment and skepticism with which they say our people have welcomed this draft.

Sometimes it seems that their most heartfelt wishes prevent them from seeing the reality. By making their true desires evident, they blatantly demand that we dismantle the economic and social system that we created, just as if this Revolution was willing to submit to the most humiliating surrender or, what tantamount to the same thing, rule its own destiny by submitting to denigrating conditions.

Throughout 500 years, from Hatuey to Fidel, our people have shed too much blood to accept the dismantling of what we have built with so much sacrifice.

To those who may entertain those unfounded illusions, we must remind once and again what I said before this Parliament on August 1, 2009, and I quote:
“I was not elected President to restore capitalism in Cuba nor to surrender the Revolution. I was elected to defend, maintain and continue improving socialism, not to destroy it”,
end of quote.

Today, I add that the measures we are implementing and all the modifications that need to be introduced to the updating of the economic model are aimed at the preservation of socialism by strengthening it and making it truly irrevocable, as was stated in the Constitution of the Republic at the behest of the vast majority of our population in the year 2002.

We have to put on the table all the information and arguments behind every decision and also suppress the excessive secrecy to which we became used to during these 50 years that we have lived under the enemy siege. Any State must reasonably keep some matters secret; that is something nobody can deny. But matters defining the political and economical course of the nation shall be no secret. It is vital to explain, provide arguments and convince the people of the fairness, need and urgency of any measure, no matter how tough it appears to be.

The Party and the Communist Youth, as well as Cuba’s Workers’ Central and its unions, along with the rest of the mass and social organizations have the capacity to mobilize the support and the confidence of the people through debate, free from unviable dogmas and schemes that would put up a colossal psychological barrier that we need to dismantle little by little, and we shall do it together.

That is exactly the fundamental agenda that we have reserved for the National Conference of the Party to be held in 2011, after the Congress, at a date we shall set later. On that occasion we shall analyze, among other matters, the modifications of the working methods and styles of the Party since, as a result of the deficiencies found in the performance of the Government administrative bodies, the Party has engaged in the exercise of functions outside its duties, thus restricting and compromising its role as the organized avant-garde of the Cuban nation and the top leading force of society and the State, as established by Article Five of the Constitution of the Republic.

The Party should lead and supervise and not interfere with the activities of the Government at no level: it is the Government that governs. Each body has its own norms and procedures, depending on their missions in society.

It is necessary to change the mentality of the cadres and of all other compatriots in facing up the new scenario which is beginning to be sketched out. It is just about transforming the erroneous and unsustainable concepts about socialism, that have been deeply rooted in broad sectors of the population over the years, as a result of the excessively paternalistic, idealistic and egalitarian approach instituted by the Revolution in the interest of social justice.

Many of us Cubans confuse socialism with freebies and subsidies and equality with egalitarianism. Quite a few of us consider the ration card to be a social achievement that should never be gotten rid of.

In this regard, I am convinced that several of the problems we are facing today have their origin in this distribution mechanism. While it is true that its implementation was inspired by the wholesome idea of ensuring people a stable supply of foodstuffs and other goods to counter the unscrupulous hoarding by some for profit, it is an evident expression of egalitarianism that equally benefits those who work and those who do not, or those who do not need it, thus generating bartering and resale in a submerged black market, etc, etc.

The solution to this complex and sensitive matter is not that simple since it is closely related to the strengthening of the role of salaries in society. That will only be possible if, at the same time, freebies and subsidies are reduced and the productivity of work and the supply of products to the population are increased.

In this matter, as well as in the reduction of overstaffing, the Socialist State shall not leave any citizen unprotected and via the social welfare system it shall ensure that people who are unable to work will receive the minimum required protection. In the future there will be subsidies, but not to products, but to Cuban men and women who for one reason or another really need them.

As is known, as from September the cigarette rations were eliminated. This product was received only by part of the population. Obviously, due to its harmful effects to human health, it can not be considered a basic commodity.

Next year we can not afford to spend around 50 million dollars to import coffee, which has so far been distributed in rations to all consumers, including newborn children. Since this is an unavoidable necessity, we intend to mix it with peas, as we used to do until 2005, since they are much cheaper than coffee, whose price is almost three thousand dollars per ton, while the cost of peas is 390 dollars.

If we want to keep on drinking pure, un-rationed coffee the only solution is to produce it in Cuba where it has been proven that all the required conditions for its cultivation exist, and where we can produce enough quantities to satisfy the demand and even to export it with the highest quality.

These decisions, and others that we shall have to apply, even though we know they are not popular ones, are a must in order to be able to maintain and even improve the free public health, education and social security services for all of our citizens.

The leader of the Cuban Revolution, Comrade Fidel himself, in his historical speech on November 17, 2005, stated, I quote: “Here is a conclusion I’ve come to after many years: among all the errors we may have committed, the greatest of them all was that we believed that someone really knew something about socialism, or that someone actually knew how to build socialism”, end of quote. Hardly one month ago, exactly five years later, in his message on the occasion of the International Students Day, Fidel confirmed these concepts which are still fully valid.

I for one remember the idea of a Soviet award-winning scientist who about half a century ago was thinking that even though the possibility of a manned flight into space had been theoretically documented, it was still a journey into the unknown.

While we have counted on the theoretical Marxist-Leninist legacy, according to which there is scientific evidence of the feasibility of socialism and the practical experience of the attempts to build it in other countries, the construction of a new society from an economic point of view is, in my modest opinion, also a journey into the unknown. Therefore each step must be profoundly meditated upon and planned before the next step is taken; mistakes are to be timely and quickly amended so that the solution is not left up to time, which will make them grow and will and finally send us an even more costly invoice.

We are fully aware of the mistakes we have committed and the Guidelines precisely mark the beginning of the road to rectification and the necessary updating of our socialist economic model.

Nobody should claim he or she has been deceived: the Guidelines signal the road towards a socialist future, adapted to Cuba’s conditions and not to the capitalist and neo-colonial past which was defeated by the Revolution. Planning and not free market shall be the distinctive feature of the economy. As was outlined in the third general guideline, the concentration of ownership shall not be allowed. This is as clear as glass, but there is no one as blind as the one who doesn’t want to see.

The building of socialism should be according to the special features of every country. It is a history lesson that we have learned very well. We do not intend to copy from anyone; that brought about enough problems to us because, in addition to that, we also copied badly; but we shall not ignore the experiences of others and we shall learn from them, even from the positive experience of capitalists.

Speaking about the necessary change of mind, I shall mention one example: we have arrived at the conclusion that large numbers of self-employed persons are one more employment opportunity for working-age citizens with the aim of increasing the supply of goods and services to the population which could rid the State of those so that it could focus on what is truly decisive, what the Party and the Government should do is facilitate their work rather than generating stigmas and prejudices against them. Therefore it is fundamental that we modify the existing negative approach that quite a few of us have towards this form of private employment. When defining the features that ought to characterize the building of a new society, the classics of Marxist-Leninism stated, among other things, that the State, on behalf of all the people, should keep the ownership over all the basic production means.

We turned this precept into an absolute principle and almost all the country’s economic activity started to be run by the State. The steps we have been taking and shall take in broadening and relaxing self-employment are the result of profound meditations and analysis and we can assure you this time there will be no going back.

Cuba’s Workers’ Central and its respective national unions are currently studying forms and methods to organize the provision of assistance to this labor force, promote full compliance with the Law and the payment of taxes and encourage these workers to eschew illegalities. We should defend their interests just as we do with any other citizen, as long as they observe the approved juridical norms.

The introduction of the basic concepts of the taxation system at different levels of education becomes very important, since younger generations will become permanently and concretely acquainted with the application of taxes as the most universal form of redistribution of the national income, in the interest of covering social costs.

From the point of view of the society as a whole, we have to encourage among all taxpayers the civic values of respect of and compliance with tax payments; we should educate people in that discipline and culture, reward those who comply and sanction tax evaders.

Another area where there is still much to do, in spite of the advances made, is the attention to the different production modalities in agriculture to remove the existing obstacles to the promotion of productive forces in our rural areas so that, depending on the savings from saving on the import of foodstuffs, farmers can receive just and reasonable revenues for their hard work. However this does not justify the fixing of extremely high prices to the commodities consumed by the population.

After two years since we started to distribute idle lands in usufruct[rent-free loan], I think we are in conditions to evaluate the allocation of additional areas, above the limits regulated by Decree-Law 259 of July 2008, to those agricultural workers who have achieved outstanding results in the intensive use of the lands they are responsible for.

I think it timely to clarify that the ownership of the lands distributed in usufruct belong to all the people. Thus, if these are required for uses different from these in the future, the State would compensate beneficial owners for their investments and would pay to them the value of the benefits created.

In due time, once we conclude the studies based on the experience we have been accumulating, we shall submit to the Council of State the corresponding proposals to modify the abovementioned Decree-Law.

One of the most difficult barriers to overcome in the effort to create a different view - and we should publicly recognize that -, is the lack of knowledge about the economy among the people, including quite a few cadres who, giving clear proof of a supine ignorance on the subject, adopt or propose decisions while facing customary problems without stopping for a minute to evaluate their effects and costs, or without knowing whether there is a budget or resources assigned to that end according to a plan.

I have not made any discovery when I state that improvisation in general, particularly when it comes to the economy, leads to a sure failure regardless of the lofty ends one intends to attain.

On December 2 last, on the occasion of the 54th anniversary of the landing of the Granma, the official newspaper of our Party published an excerpt of the speech delivered by Fidel in 1976 on that same date when we were celebrating the twentieth anniversary of that event. Given its validity and relevance I find it appropriate to quote it:
“The strength of a people and a revolution lies precisely in its capacity to understand and cope with difficulties. Despite everything, we will move forward on numerous fronts and we will struggle bravely to increase the economy’s efficiency, save resources, reduce non-essential costs, increase exports and create economic awareness in every citizen. I said earlier that we are all politicians; now I add that we should all be economists, that the mindset of saving and efficiency is different from a consumer mindset”,
end of quote.

Ten years later, on December 1 of 1986, during the postponed session of the Third Party Congress, Fidel stated, and I quote:
“Many do not understand that the Socialist State, just as any other State or system, can not deliver what it does not have. Much less is it going to have that which it does not produce if it gives away money without having a productive backing. I am sure that overstaffing, excess money paid out to people, idle stocks, and wasting of resources are all linked to the great number of unprofitable companies that we have in our country...”
end of the quote.

After 34 and 24 years respectively, from these instructions given by the Leader of the Revolution, these and many other problems are still with us.

With his genius, Fidel was breaking through, showing the way, and the rest of us didn’t know how to ensure and consolidate the march forward to pursue those goals.

We were lacking cohesion, organization and coordination between the Party and the Government. In the midst of the threats and the daily emergencies we neglected mid and long-term planning; we did not act strong enough against the economic violations and the errors committed by some leaders and we also stalled in correcting decisions that didn’t have the effect we expected.

On more than one occasion I have referred to the fact that in this Revolution almost everything has been said and that we should check which of the instructions given by the Leader of the Revolution have been fulfilled and which have not, ever since he made his vibrant statement “History Will Absolve Me” until the present. We will retake Fidel’s ideas, which continue to be valid, and will not allow the same to happen to us again.

Errors, if they are just analyzed with honesty, can become experiences and lessons that could teach us how to eradicate them and avoid its replication. That is precisely the great usefulness of a thorough analysis of errors. That should become a permanent rule of conduct for all leaders.

The reality of figures prevails over all our hopes and dreams. Since our early years in first grade, when we studied elementary arithmetic, we learn that two plus two makes four, not five or six. You don’t have to be an economist to understand that. Therefore, if at any given time we have to do something in the economic and social field whose cost can not be covered by the resources available, we should do that bearing in mind the consequences and knowing, ahead of time, that, ultimately, bare facts shall irremissibly prevail.

Cuba has tens and tens of thousands of professionals graduated by the Revolution in the specialties of economy, accounting and finances, just to mention some, which we haven’t known how to make a proper use of their knowledge in the interest of the nation’s orderly development.

We have something that is very precious, which is human capital. We must further unite it, with the help of the National Association of Economists and Accountants (ANEC) to take up the task of constantly and systematically instructing our educated public and their leaders at all levels in this subject. A large number from the ANEC National Board took part in the first seminars that we organized to analyze these guidelines and many of their members are immersed in the process of discussions under way.

In this regard, we should emphasize the decisive contribution made by thousands and thousands of accountants to recover the place they deserve in economic management which, as we well know, is an indispensable condition to ensure success and order in everything that we intend to accomplish.

In these circumstances, nobody should lose sight of the relevance of keeping a differentiated approach to the youth. I should emphasize the decision to exempt new graduates fulfilling their Social Service from any overstaffing reduction process.

Now then, we are not trying to assign them to jobs that have nothing to do with their professional profiles, as it has occurred in the past, when they were even employed as doormen at some work places, because that period is precisely designed to train them in production and the provision of services, so that they could complement the theory they learned in school with practice and cultivate in them the love for work.

No less important is the work to be carried out by cadres and specialists involved in the drafting and review of legal documents, along with the modifications that are being implemented. For example, the issuance of almost 30 provisions -including decree-laws, Government agreements and resolutions from various ministries and national institutes- have been required to create the legal framework for two guidelines (158 and 159), referring to self-employment, its taxation regime and the reduction of overstaffing.

Just a few days ago, a resolution issued by the Ministry of Finances that modified the prices set by redistribution centers for a series of agricultural products had to terminate another 36 resolutions of that same body, issued on different dates in previous years, but all valid.

These facts give you some idea of the work facing us in the area of juridical organization for the purpose of reinforcing the institutionality of the country and eliminating so many irrational prohibitions that have been on the books for years, without bearing in mind existing circumstances, creating a true breeding ground for multiple barely legal actions that frequently give rise to corruption in different degrees. One can arrive at a life-tested conclusion: irrational prohibitions lead to violations and that in turn leads to corruption and impunity; that is why I believe that the population is right in its concern over the mind-boggling procedures associated with housing and automobile sales between individuals, just to mention two examples that are currently under study for an orderly solution.

At the right time, we must simplify and group together legislation in effect which is generally rather spread out. The guiding documents are drawn up to be mastered by those responsible for their fulfillment, not just to be filed away. As a result, we have to educate all cadres and demand that they work with legal provisions that govern their functions and monitor that this complies as a requisite for suitability in occupying a determinate position.

It is worthwhile remembering, once again, that ignorance of the law is no excuse for not following it and that, according to the Constitution, every citizen has equal rights and responsibilities, therefore whoever commits a crime in Cuba, regardless of the position he or she holds, whoever they may be, shall have to face up to the consequences of their mistakes and to the weight of justice.

Moving on to another matter, also part of the Guidelines, in next year’s plan, we have excluded 68 important investments for the country because they have not followed the established requirements, among them funding definition, technical and project preparation, the definition of building forces capable of undertaking them in the set terms and evaluation of feasibility studies. We shall not allow the wastage of resources destined for investments resulting from spontaneity, improvisation and superficiality which, in more cases than not, has characterized the investment process.

In dealing with these subjects I must refer to the decisive role corresponding of Party cadres, the Government, mass and youth organizations in the coordinated and harmonious management of the process of updating the Cuban economic model.

In the course of the gradual decentralization that we are putting forth, we have adopted different measures in favor of increasing the authority of administrative and business executives on whom we shall continue to delegate powers. Simultaneously we are improving control procedures and raising to higher levels the demands to confront manifestations of negligence, apathy and other behaviors incompatible with public positions.

Likewise, we are fully aware of the harm caused by the “upside-down pyramid” to the cadres policy during the years; I mean, when salaries are not paid in relation to the importance and hierarchy of leadership positions, nor is there adequate differentiation between some and others, all of which works against motivation for promoting the most capable workers towards senior level responsibilities in the companies and in the ministries themselves. This is a basic matter that must be resolved according to what is indicated in guidelines number 156 and 161, referring to salary policy.

The sixth Party Congress should be, as a fact of life, the last to be attended by most of us who belong to the Revolution’s historical generation. The time we have left is short, and without an ounce of immodesty or conceit, I think we have the obligation of taking advantage of the power of the moral authority we enjoy among the people to trace out the route to be followed.

We don’t think we are more intelligent or able than anyone else or any of the like, but we strongly believe that we have the elemental duty to correct the mistakes that we have made all along these five decades during which we have building socialism in Cuba. To this Endeavour we will devote all the energy we have left, which fortunately is not just a little.

We will increase our perseverance and our intransigence against wrong. The ministers and other administrative and political leaders know they will count on our full support when, while performing their duties, they educate and the same time are demanding with their subordinates and are not afraid of running into trouble.

Running into trouble for confronting the wrong is right now one of our main tasks.

Likewise it is very clear to all of us that we are no longer living through the early years after the triumph of the Revolution in 1959, when some of those who were appointed to government posts resigned to demonstrate their opposition to the first radical measures adopted by the Revolution. That behavior was then branded as counterrevolutionary. Today, the true revolutionary and honest behavior is for any cadre to resign with dignity and without any fear whenever they feel tired or incapable of fully performing their duties. This will always be preferable to a demotion.

In this regard, I should refer to three comrades who occupied important positions in the leadership of the Party and the Government. As a result of their mistakes, the Political Bureau asked them to resign to their condition as members of that leading body, the Central Committee and as deputies to the National People’s Power Assembly. I am referring to Jorge Luis Sierra Cruz, Yadira García Vera and Pedro Sáez Montejo. The first two were also released from their positions as minister of Transportation and of the Basic Industry respectively. Sierra took upon himself attributions he was not entitled to, which led him to make serious mistakes in management. Yadira García’s performance as minister was dreadful, which became particularly evident in the poor control of the resources allocated to investments, which led to a waste of those resources, as it became obvious during the expansion of the nickel factory Pedro Soto Alba of Moa, in the province of Holguín. Both comrades were severely criticized at the joint meetings of the Political Bureau and the Executive Committee of the Council of Ministers.

On his part, Pedro Sáez Montejo, evidencing superficiality incompatible with his position as First Secretary of the Communist Party in the City of Havana, infringed upon the party work standards, something that was discussed with him by a Political Bureau commission which was presided over by myself and made up by comrades Machado Ventura and Esteban Lazo.

It is fair to say though that these three comrades the mistakes which of them had made and adopted a correct attitude. That is the reason why the Political Bureau Commission decided to respect their condition as members of the Communist Party. Likewise, we deemed it convenient to assign them to tasks related to their respective specialties.

Personally, the three of them will continue to be my friends but my only single commitment is with the people, particularly with those who have lost their lives in these 58 years of continued struggle since the coup d’etat in 1952. This has been the procedure followed with three high level leaders, so let it be known that this would be the same procedure to be followed by the Party and the Government with every cadre. We will demand more from them, but at the same time we will war them and adopt any relevant disciplinary measure if any of the established rules are infringed upon.

As was established by the Law to Modify the Country’s Political and Administrative Division, on January next year the new provinces of Artemisa and Mayabeque will be created. Their respective governments will start to world according to the new organizational and structures conceptions, which are far more rational than the ones that exist in the present Havana province.

All functions, structures and payrolls have been already defined. We are still working of the definitions of their attributions as well as their relations with the Central State Administrative Apparatus, national companies and political and mass organizations. We will follow very closely this experience so that it could be gradually implemented on all other local government bodies throughout the country in the course of the next five years. We very much favor the usefulness of continuing to gradually increase the authority of provincial and municipal governments by entrusting them with greater faculties for the execution of local budgets, which will absorb much of the taxes generated by the economic activity aiming at contributing to its further development.

The relations with the peoples and governments of almost every nation move on amidst the convulsive international situation.

The world has known in amazement the scandalous revelations of hundreds of thousands of classified documents of the US government. Some of the most recent are about the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan; others deal with the most varied topics about the US relations with tens of States.

Although everybody is wondering what is really going on and how could this be linked to the twists and turns of the US politics, what has been revealed so far show that that country, although pretending to practice a kind rhetoric, essentially, it continues to implement the usual politics and acts as a global gendarme.

There isn’t the slightest willingness on the part of the United States to change its policy against Cuba, not even to eliminate its most irrational aspects. It is evident that a powerful and reactionary minority that props up the anti-Cuban mafia continues to have a major influence on these issues.

The United States not only turns a blind eye to the overwhelming call issued by 187 countries asking for an end to the economic, commercial and financial blockade against our country. In the year 2010, it reinforced its implementation and once again included Cuba in its spurious lists, whereby they take upon themselves the right to qualify and denigrate other sovereign States to justify punitive actions or even acts of aggression.

The US policy against Cuba does not have an ounce of credibility. The US has no other choice but to resort to lies to reiterate certain allegations. Some of them stand out for being scandalously false, as the one asserting that Cuba is a country that sponsors international terrorism, tolerates domestic traffic in children and women for sexual exploitation, violates flagrantly human rights and is responsible for significantly restricting religious freedom.

The US government tries to hide its own sins and attempts to evade its responsibilities when it allows that notorious international terrorists who have been wanted by the legal systems of several countries continue to live with impunity in that country while maintaining our Five brothers unjustly imprisoned for fighting against terrorism.

In its slanderous campaigns about the human rights situation in Cuba, the United States has found the connivance of European countries known because of their complicity with the CIA secret renditions, the creation of torture and detention centers, for placing the burden of the economic crisis on the lowest income workers, violently repressing demonstrators and implementing discriminatory policies against migrants and minorities.

We will continue to struggle, together with all Latin American nations, for an emancipating integration. In the context of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America, we will continue to work to consolidate the solidarity and unity that will make us ever stronger.

Therefore, we will continue to support he sister nation of Haiti where our health staff together with Latin American and Haitian doctors who graduated in Cuba, in a selfless and humanitarian way, are coping with the cholera epidemic, the destruction caused by the earthquake and the sequels of hundreds of years of exploitation and plundering of that noble people that needs the international community to grant resources for reconstruction and especially for a sustainable development.

This is also the right occasion to convey, from this parliamentary meeting and on behalf of all Cubans, a message of support and solidarity to the brother people of Venezuela, who are suffering from the ravages of torrential rains which have great human and material losses. At a very early stage, the tens of thousands of Cuban cooperation workers who are offering their services in that country were instructed to place themselves at the disposal of the Venezuelans and of President Hugo Chavez for whatever might be necessary.

April next year will mark the 50th anniversary of the proclamation of the Socialist character of our Revolution. In the sands of Playa Girón our forced fought for the first time to defend socialism and within hardly 72 hours and led by Commander in Chief in person, they managed to defeat the mercenary invasion sponsored by the US government.

On the occasion of such a relevant commemoration, there will be a military parade on April 16 with the participation of troops and combat equipment, to be attended by the delegates to the 6th Congress of the Communist Party who will gather on that very afternoon to begin their works, which we hope will conclude on April 19, the day when we celebrate the Victory of Playa Giron. The parade will be closed by tens of thousands of youths representing the new generations, which are the guarantee of the continuity of the Revolution.

This celebration will be dedicated to our youth, which has never failed to be faithful to the Revolution. Youth were those who died during the attack on the Moncada and Bayamo garrisons; youth were those who rose up in Santiago de Cuba led by Frank Pais; youth were the Granma expeditionaries who after the fiasco at Alegría de Pío, founded the Rebel Army, and were joined by waves of other youths from the countryside and the city, particularly by the reinforcement that came from Santiago that was personally organized and sent by Frank himself; youth were those who were members of the powerful clandestine movement; youth were those who courageously attacked the Presidential Palace and the Radio Reloj radio station on March 13, 1957, headed by Jose Antonio Echeverría; youth were those who fought heroically in Girón; youth and teenagers were those who joined the literacy campaign also 50 years ago; youth were most of those who fought against the mercenary bands organized by the CIA; youth were those who wrote beautiful pages of courage and stoicism in the internationalist missions in several countries, particularly those in support of the liberation movements in Africa; youth are our Five Heroes who risked their lives I the struggle against terrorism and have suffered more than 12 years of cruel imprisonment; youth are many of the thousands and thousands of cooperation workers who defend the human life by curing diseases that have already been eradicated in Cuba, supporting the literacy programs and disseminating culture and the practice of sports throughout the world.

This Revolution has been the results of the sacrifices made by the Cuban youth: the workers, farmers, students, intellectuals, military, all the youths from all the times when they have lived and struggled.

This Revolution will be carried forward by the youth, full of optimism and with an unshakable faith in victory.

Equally big have been both the challenges and dangers since the triumph of the Revolution, especially after Girón. But no difficulty has ever bent our spirit. We are and will be here due to the dignity, the integrity, the courage, the ideological strength the revolutionary spirit and the sacrifice of the Cuban people which since long ago embraced the concept that socialism is the only guarantee to continue to be free and independent.


Thank you, very much.

Open letter from Manuel Zelaya re WikiLeaks revelations

Letter From Zelaya on the Cable by Fomer US Ambassador to Honduras
by Jose Manuel Zelaya Rosales, 25 December 2010.
Source: ResistenciaHonduras.net
Translated by Fry Warwick.

A new embarrassment in the foreign policy of north America has been exposed. This time, it concerns my persona as the constitutional President of Honduras that does not reflect my status, but rather is designed to make rash criminal accusations that constitute criminal defamation and calumny, and constitutes an affront to the dignity of the people of Honduras.

Over a year has gone by; 18 long months since the coup, in which groups of the extreme right in Honduras, so called friends and partners of "USA” took over the country. It is odd that so far they haven't been able to demonstrate a single connection with organised crime, nor of a connection with Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela, in the alleged acts of corruption I was supposed to have committed during my mandate.

The author of this absurdity is Charles Ford allegedly a diplomat, the ambassador in Honduras when I took on the top position in that country. Supposedly a diplomat, he was revealed here as a liar and instigator, and reveals the hidden nature of north American diplomacy to all countries of the world.

This is the same ambassador who demanded that I give a visa of political asylum to the terrorist Luis Posada Carriles; the same who said publicly in the media that president Chavez had tainted and corrupt business relations and attacked my friendship with him; the same who, when I won the Presidency gave me a list of the people whom I had to nominate for my cabinet, and who very quickly became furious with my refusal.

He is the same man who accompanied me to the White House to attend a meeting with President Bush, with part of my cabinet, where Bush ranted against my friendship with the president of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez and attacked my friendship with him. The same who, during my entire term committed himself to defending the fraudulent activities of the north American transnational petrol companies in Honduras, something strangely absent from this cable, as though avoiding mention of the matters over which we had problems and differences.

These serious and baseless accusations of Ambassador Ford, full of mockery of my person as head of state, bring to light the capricious methods used by diplomats of the self proclaimed oldest democracy in the world; like lying, manipulating in a malicious way to justify crimes and attacks on power that they promote throughout the world. The cable of Mr. Ford, made public by Wikileaks and remarked upon by all the media in the world, as well as being offensive, shows the manner in which the United States, in its imperial capacity, manufactures its enemies.

By disparaging people personally they seek to stigmatise those of us who struggle with dignity and independence against the imposition of subjugation that US diplomacy is accustomed to exercising.

The nerve! These actions of theirs - evident most of all to those whom they offend and accuse - doesn't authorise them as presumed "saviours" of the world to accuse presidents of other countries of being crazy, megalomaniacs, mythomaniacs, erratic, corrupt and sinister; especially those who won't follow their orders. With this we can identify a ‘patron’ and it shouldn't surprise us if these kinds of profiles continue to emerge.

And it should draw our attention strongly to the fact that the words of Ford have been the same that were published for three and a half years by those who attacked me persistently from Washington, from the Arcadia Foundation directed by Otto Reich and Robert Carmonaq. And they continue to be used by those who conspired and carried out the coup in Honduras.

This document makes cynicism a spectacle when it unashamedly states that they can intervene in the choice of cabinet members of a government, consult with Cardinals and find even a public event suspicious; like when the this ambassador declared that in my speech about the role of the US fleet (or something like that), "in spite of the fact that I highlighted the good commercial relations with the empire, I spared no effort to extol the exploits against the North American invader William Walker"; a freebooter who invaded Nicaraguan and Honduran territory and who was shot and buried in the Port of Trujillo in Honduras. So the fact that a hero to them is a bandit to us is indicative of the interference and intervention of groups from the United States in our nations since the 19th Century.

In his note Ford has a mental lapse and neglects to mention my intention to make commercial use of the airport of Palmerola, a north American military base whence thousands of conspiracies have been forged, many of them fatal, and which is stuck in the very heart of our territory; and whose last fateful deed was the Coup of June 28 2009. In his perfidy he has omitted mention of his boycott of my initiative and his support for the most reactionary forces in the country who argued in favour of Tocotin, one of the ten most dangerous airports in the world. And the fact is, Charles Ford, and the empire are not at all interested in anyone's safety or progress, only in their military bases to safeguard their supremacy.

The Honduran people know me and support me. I regret none of my actions, which I implemented and promoted as president. I think they were very concerned about my level of popularity, and because I achieved the best results in the history of Honduras in terms of the environment, socially, and in economic growth - between 6 and 7 percent maintained annually. For the first time poverty was being reduced, largely due to Petrocaribe and ALBA; facts which can be verified in the statistics of CEPAL and the World Bank. They were worried that in one year of working with Chavez and Lula we obtained support for projects that would have taken us ten years to get from the United States. They were upset that I was the only President who passed a law of transparency to eliminate confidential government documents, which directly affected the structure of subjugated lackeys that the empire maintains in the country, and the only one in recent history who left accountable spending down to the last cent in public hands and controlling organizations.

We don't know what the Cardinal whispered in his ear about my family history; he forgot to tell Ford that my family prevailed for more than 400 years (as the same ambassador made evident) thanks to its extraordinary relations with the people, and that in arriving at the presidency of the Republic I had at my disposal a legacy of many generations and a rural heritage generated by the work of centuries for which is known by all Hondurans, like an enormous intellectual and political fortune inherited by the most illustrious sons of the homeland.

It is obvious that the pro consul looks down on our culture and our customs, saying that we behaved like animals to "mix" ourselves with the "Moorish class". There are certain things a barbarian without any culture cannot understand. This is the case; we go back for generations to colonial Spain changed now into a proud latin american identity, mixed indigenous and black. Why degrade the emotional relations of my sons and daughters to common grubby deals? Thus the empire conducts itself; we are human and we answer to values and principles that they wouldn't be able to understand for another two centuries.

Ford says that it is necessary to "save what can be saved" of the Honduran system. He says that I'm willing to make a martyr of myself, trying to leave an unfinished legacy, with the argument that they have kept me away from powerful influences that can't be named. The people know that we have unmasked time and time again such influences in my own speeches in the United Nations and in all the forums across which our struggle continues. It is not martyrology that they imposed on me by overthrowing me and then digging me up again; it is the struggle of the people in resistance, it is a legacy, it is the moral, libertarian strength of our men and women in building a new history.

What narrow-mindedness this ambassador demonstrates to justify himself to his superiors after his failure to subjugate us in Honduras. For his destabilising role he was sent to the southern command, where he still remains, and from where he hatched and executed the Coup. It is impossible to put aside the fact that he literally regards me as an enemy of the interests of the United States, and blames me for my sovereign and honourable actions. Actions that he confirmed absolutely while I express my friendship and admiration for the American people - even their country, at the same time that I declare myself anti-imperialist, a struggle in which I would prefer to die than yield.

He reproaches my appointees on the UN and expresses annoyance because we did not cease to make state decisions in spite of his machiavellian manipulation associated with an entire oligarchy, a band of mercenaries who never ceased to conspire in keeping me away from the people and contribute to a sense of patriotism and struggle and put paid to their supine actions.

When sub secretary of state John Dimitri Negroponte, together with Ambassador Ford accused me in Washington of nominating a communist to the United Nations - the ex-Rector of the National Autonomous University of Honduras - and indicated that as a terrorist he was denied an American visa, I strongly pursued this violation of the statute of this international organisation, and felt obliged to take a firm protest up to the White House to get through to them that these gentlemen were stuck in the cold war, sectarian, fundamentalist, and that they should understand that the world has changed and that the United States too, has to change.

The cable of falsehoods, like many which earlier were used to justify wars and the massacre of children, women, and old men on various parts of the planet; slanders, degradation and rudeness used to smooth the way to barbarity and exploitation by a system that has no limits. Except for those that have always been set by the transnationals, previously the banana companies, and today the financial and petrol companies, against my people. These notes from the Ambassador serve only to leave the destiny of my homeland in the hands of those who have lost honour and dignity, to be humiliated to secondary interests. There is no doubt. The problem is the same, the method is the same, and the motive is the same; perfidious and cowardly practices that sacrifice generations to their fat businesses. I could continue dealing with the opinions of Mr. Ford one by one, emphasising my own image to refute his tall stories, but I think the basic problem is something else; this document highlights the agents of the coup; it indicates what the empire was thinking in May 2008; it makes it clear that the coup is not accidental, that it was prepared, and that they also conspired, and it makes clear how long they were preparing to overthrow me and to destroy democracy in Honduras.

In this cable of Ford is the history of the Coup; for them it is unforgivable that in the decade of the eighties I would raise my voice against the irregular armed forces of the central American counterrevolutionaries when I was a representative in the National Assembly, demanding explanations of why they were threatening brother and sister countries like Nicaragua and El Salvador, where they committed a brutal genocide from our territory, while our beloved homeland Honduras was used as an aircraft carrier for the north Americans. The empire is not interested in my personal life, but they destroy it so long as they can prevent my political actions from contributing to the liberation of my people.

Finally, what Charles Ford is effectively saying is, that the North American Empire only makes me bigger as a human being, as a politician and as one of the actors of the 21st Century, and makes the struggle of the Honduran people greater and invincible, which continues to resist the return of the military castes to the civic life of our nation, so that the murdering and intense blaze from criminals, from here and from there, moved by the same old puppeteers, has to stop one day and they have to think that it is better to coexist with us, rather than try to rob us of what belongs to us.

Once more, we see the actions of the United States, as the world policeman; tribunals of the Holy Inquisition of the 21st Century, more barefaced and bloodthirsty than ever in the history of humanity. Today we see that they don't have double standards of morality, they don't have any standards of morality at all; they only function at the level of parameters, numbers, and interests. I will continue to struggle against this brutal and sinister power that denies revolution of thought and solidarity to impose barbarity and infamy that does not cease for a single moment, in their effort to subjugate and enslave us.

Jose Manuel Zelaya Rosales,
Constitutional President 2006-2010
General Coordinator of the The National Popular Resistance Front.

Cuba's Emphasis on Preventive Medicine

by Ray Suarez, PBS NewsHour, 21 December 2010.





See also: Debt-Free Doctors Part of Cuba's Foreign Policy Strategy, PBS NewsHour, 22 December 2010.

RATB Reviews: Fidel & Che by Simon Reid-Henry

A review of Fidel and Che: A Revolutionary Friendship, by Simon Reid-Henry, Hodder & Stoughton, 2009, Hardback, pp467, £20/Paperback pp480, £8.99p.

by Helen Yaffe, written for RATB, June 2009.


Simon Reid-Henry’s book provides a plot that is brimming with adventure, intrigue and sensation, understandably so, given that it is about two of the 20th century’s most iconic characters; Fidel Castro and Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara. Fidel was born in 1926, to a Spanish migrant who made good and became a landowner in eastern Cuba. Che was born two years later to a liberal middle-class family in Argentina. As the author points out ‘it was not inevitable that they should meet’ (p19), but the story of their different childhoods, the circumstances leading to their encounter, the revolutionary project which they shared and the tragedy in which their partnership ended serve as a metaphor for a tumultuous period of world history.

The Cold War was close to boiling over, independence struggles were sweeping through the colonies, newly independent states pursued their own coalitions and interests, and animosity between the Soviets and the Chinese was deepening into a split which drew a wedge between communist parties around the world. The Cuban Revolution brought socialism to the western hemisphere, triggering guerrilla movements throughout Latin America while the United States was increasingly bogged down in Vietnam. The narrative weaves the lives of Fidel and Che through this minefield of international history. A lot of background information is presumed.

Reid-Henry pulls together the best myths and anecdotes from the plethora of published material on Fidel and Che, including biographies, interviews and the memoirs of those who have basked in the reflected glory of their association with these revolutionary icons. He also uses archive material from Cuba, Russia, the US and Germany. The author does not discriminate between these sources, leaning equally on the recollections of their soldiers-in-arms and the hearsay of their fervent opponents. In Fidel’s case this includes wealthy school peers who were later dispossessed by the redistribution measures of the Revolution. It is not until one-third into the book that our two protagonists meet, in Mexico in 1955, and their friendship, which is the main plot of the story, begins.

The fast-paced narrative reads more like a novel than a historical account. This makes it exciting and eminently digestible, but it is also its weakness. Having created their characters, novelists have the luxury of dissecting their psyche and asserting their motives. An historian uses different skills, balancing objectivity with empathy, to analyse their protagonists, not impose their own reason upon them. Reid-Henry echoes the stereotypes of many commentators from outside Cuba who do not share the political or ideological commitments of the revolutionaries themselves; they explain developments, decisions and policies as expressions of psychological impulses or character traits. Che is a restless idealist or dogmatist, who left Cuba because he rejected the direction the revolution had taken, while Fidel is a control freak whose ‘principal objective [was] to maintain power, to stay in control no matter what.’ (p379). Fidel appears utterly irrational – if it was power and influence he wanted, his ‘political ambitions’ (p55) could have been better served by the graft and patronage in pre-revolutionary Cuba, than by risking his life and sacrificing all his comforts, turning the country upside down and building socialism in the heat of the Cold War.

Reid-Henry’s narrative twists to fit the history into this schema – throughout the book we are told that the two are ‘falling out’ but a few lines later they are an intimate double-act; radicalising the revolution, adopting socialism, asserting Cuba’s independence from the USSR and China, rejecting ‘peaceful co-existence’ and advocating armed rebellion against imperialism throughout the world. It is no easy task to tell the history of a revolutionary project through the spectrum of a friendship. It leads Reid-Henry to lose perspective and claim, for example, that after January 1959 when the revolutionaries seized power ‘a war of some sorts had to continue if they were to sustain that partnership they had established in the mountains.’ (p208), and that their decision for Che to participate in guerrilla struggle abroad ‘was a solution that held out promise of salvaging their personal relations despite their growing personal differences.’ (p303) As an historian of the Cuban revolution and ‘student’ of Guevara’s political and economic ideas, I am not convinced by the suggestion that preserving their friendship took precedence over the revolutionary project. It is the two-man view of history.

Despite the tendency to sensationalise, this is a gripping and animated introduction to the making and shaping of the Cuban Revolution from the perspective of its two most famous leaders. It provides an insight into the impact and significance which this small Caribbean island has had on the real world in which we all live.


Dr. Helen Yaffe is the author of Che Guevara: The Economics of Revolution, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. Dr. Simon Reid-Henry is a lecturer in Geography at Queen Mary, London and his new book is The Cuban Cure: Reason and Resistance in Global Science, ISBN-10: 0226709175.

Tuesday, 21 December 2010

¡Viva WikiLeaks! Sicko was not banned in Cuba

¡Viva WikiLeaks! SiCKO Was Not Banned in Cuba
by Michael Moore, 18 December 2010.
Source: Michael Moore.com


Yesterday WikiLeaks did an amazing thing and released a classified State Department cable that dealt, in part, with me and my film, 'Sicko.' It is a stunning look at the Orwellian nature of how bureaucrats for the State spin their lies and try to recreate reality (I assume to placate their bosses and tell them what they want to hear). The date is January 31, 2008. It is just days after 'Sicko' has been nominated for an Oscar as Best Documentary. This must have sent someone reeling in Bush's State Department (his Treasury Department had already notified me they were investigating what laws I might have broken in taking three 9/11 first responders to Cuba to get them the health care they had been denied in the United States).

Former health insurance executive Wendell Potter recently revealed that the insurance industry -- which had decided to spend millions to go after me and, if necessary, "push Michael Moore off a cliff" -- had begun working with anti-Castro Cubans in Miami in order to have them speak out and smear my film. So, on January 31, 2008, a State Department official stationed in Havana took a made up story and sent it back to his HQ in Washington . Here's what they came up with:


" XXXXXXXXXXXX stated that Cuban authorities have banned Michael Moore's documentary, "Sicko," as being subversive. Although the film's intent is to discredit the U.S. healthcare system by highlighting the excellence of the Cuban system, he said the regime knows the film is a myth and does not want to risk a popular backlash by showing to Cubans facilities that are clearly not available to the vast majority of them.

Sounds convincing, eh?! There's only one problem -- the entire nation of Cuba was shown the film on national television on April 25, 2008! The Cubans embraced the film so much so it became one of those rare American movies that received a theatrical distribution in Cuba . I personally ensured that a 35mm print got to the Film Institute in Havana . Screenings of Sicko were set up in towns all across the country. But the secret cable said Cubans were banned from seeing my movie. Hmmm.

We also know from another secret U.S. document that "the disenchantment of the masses [in Cuba ] has spread through all the provinces," and that "all of Oriente Province is seething with hate" for the Castro regime. There's a huge active underground rebellion, and "workers there readily give all the support they can," with everyone involved in "subtle sabotage" against the government. Morale is terrible throughout all the branches of the armed forces, and in the event of war the army "will not fight." Wow -- this cable is hot! Of course, this secret U.S. cable is from March 31, 1961, three weeks before Cuba kicked our asses at the Bay of Pigs.

The U.S. government has been passing around these "secret" documents to itself for the past fifty years, explaining in painstaking detail how horrible things are in Cuba and how Cubans are quietly aching for us to come back and take over. I don't know why we write these cables, I guess it just makes us feel better about ourselves. (Anyone curious can find an entire museum of U.S. wish fulfillment cables on the website of the National Security Archive.)

So what do you do with about a false "secret" cable, especially one that involves you and your movie? Well, you wait for a responsible newspaper to investigate and shout what it discovers from the rooftops. But yesterday WikiLeaks gave the 'Sicko' Cuba cable to the media -- and what did they do with it? They ran it as if it were true! Here's the headline in the Guardian: "WikiLeaks: Cuba banned Sicko for depicting 'mythical' healthcare system. Authorities feared footage of gleaming hospital in Michael Moore's Oscar-nominated film would provoke a popular backlash."

And not one scintilla of digging to see if Cuba had actually banned the movie! In fact, just the opposite. The right wing press started to have a field day reporting a lie (Andy Levy of Fox -- twice -- Reason Magazine and Hot Air, plus a slew of blogs). Sadly, even BoingBoing and my friends at the Nation wrote about it without skepticism. So here you have WikiLeaks, who have put themselves on the line to find and release these cables to the press -- and traditional journalists are once again just too lazy to lift a finger, point and click their mouse to log into Nexis or search via Google, and look to see if Cuba really did "ban the film." Had just ONE reporter done that, here's they would have found:

June 16, 2007 Saturday 1:41 AM GMT [that's 7 months before the false cable] HEADLINE: Cuban health minister says Moore 's 'Sicko' shows 'human values' of communist system. BYLINE: By ANDREA RODRIGUEZ, Associated Press Writer DATELINE: HAVANA Cuba's health minister Jose Ramon Balaguer said Friday that American filmmaker Michael Moore's documentary 'Sicko' highlights the human values of the island's communist-run government... "There can be no doubt this documentary by a personality like Mr. Michael Moore helps promote the profoundly human principles of Cuban society."

Or, how 'bout this little April 25, 2008 notice from CubaSi.Cu (translation by Google): Sicko premiere in Cuba 25/04/2008. The documentary Sicko, the U.S. filmmaker Michael Moore, which deals about the deplorable state of American health care system will be released today at 5:50 pm, for the space Cubavision Roundtable and the Education Channel. Then there's this from Juventudrebelde.cu (translation by Google). Or this Cuban editorial (translation by Google). There's even a long clip of the Cuba section of 'Sicko' on the homepage of Media Roundtable on the CubaSi.cu website!

OK, so we know the media is lazy and sucks most of the time. But the bigger issue here is how our government seemed to be colluding with the health insurance industry to destroy a film that might have a hand in bringing about what the Cubans already have in their poverty-ridden third world country: free, universal health care. And because they have it and we don't, Cuba has a better infant mortality rate than we do, their life expectancy is just 7 months shorter than ours, and, according to the WHO, they rank just two places behind the richest country on earth in terms of the quality of their health care. That's the story, mainstream media and right-wing haters. Now that you've been presented with the facts, what are you going to do about it?

Are you gonna attack me for having my movie played on Cuban state television? Or are you gonna attack me for not having my movie played on Cuban state television? You have to choose one, it can't be both. And since the facts show that the movie played on state TV and in theaters, I think you're better off attacking me for having my films played in Cuba.

¡Viva WikiLeaks!

Saturday, 18 December 2010

'Dissidents' have little support in Cuba

Dissidents have little support in Cuba
Source: Reuters, 17 December 2010.
By Jeff Franks


Despite years of U.S. political and financial support for Cuban dissidents, the top U.S. diplomat in Havana said opposition leaders are largely unknown, badly divided and unlikely to ever run the country, according to a secret diplomatic cable obtained by WikiLeaks.

U.S. Interests Section chief Jonathan Farrar said the dissidents deserved backing as the "conscience of Cuba," but Washington "should look elsewhere, including within the government itself, to spot likely successors to the Castro regime." "We see very little evidence that the mainline dissident organizations have much resonance among ordinary Cubans," Farrar said. Without changes, he said, "the traditional dissident movement is not likely to supplant the Cuban government." The cable, published on Thursday by Spanish newspaper El Pais, is one of 250,000 confidential U.S. diplomatic cables Wikileaks has begun issuing on the Internet and provided to a number of media outlets.

Farrar's comments, made in a cable dated April 15, 2009, raise questions about the wisdom of the United States' longtime policy of supporting Cuban dissidents as an alternative to the Communist government that has ruled the island since a 1959 revolution put Fidel Castro in power.

Despite claims they are supported by thousands of Cubans, Farrar said "informal polls we have carried out among visa and refugee applicants have shown virtually no awareness of dissident personalities or agendas." He described the dissident movement as largely ineffectual, due to factors including internal conflict, outsized egos, preoccupation with money, outdated agendas and infiltration by the Cuban government. "The greatest effort is directed at obtaining enough resources to keep the principal organizers and their key supporters living from day to day," Farrar wrote.

MONEY AND MISTRUST

He told of one political party organization that told him "quite openly and frankly it needed resources to pay salaries" and presented him "with a budget in hopes the (interests section) would be able to cover it."

"With seeking resources as a primary concern, the next most important pursuit seems to be to limit or marginalize the activities of erstwhile allies, thus preserving power and access to scarce resources," he said.

Cuba views dissidents as mercenaries in the pay of the United States and allied with anti-Castro Cuban exiles. Farrar said dissidents get "much of their resources" from exile groups, but also look upon the exiles with suspicion. "Opposition members of all stripes complain the intention of the exiles is to undercut local opposition groups so that they can move into power when the Castros leave," he wrote. Dissident leaders tend to be "comparatively old" and out of touch with a Cuban society less concerned with freeing political prisoners than "having greater opportunities to travel freely and live comfortably," Farrar wrote. He said a new generation of "non-traditional dissidents," such as internationally known blogger Yoani Sanchez, will likely have more impact in post-Castro Cuba, but that "the most immediate successors to the Castro regime will probably come from within the middle ranks of the government itself."

Farrar's cable was written before President Raul Castro, in apparent response to international pressure and dissident activities, agreed in July to release political prisoners. So far, more than 50 have been freed, with almost all going to Spain in an agreement with the Spanish government. Long-time dissident Elizardo Sanchez, head of the independent Cuban Commission of Human Rights, told Reuters he did not feel out of touch with younger Cubans, but said there was an occasional "generational rupture" among Cuba's opposition. Still, he admitted, "There comes the moment when we must retire from the scene. That appears to me convenient from all points of view."

(Additional reporting by Rosa Tania Valdes and Esteban Israel; Editing by Todd Eastham)

Cuba launches EcuRed encyclopaedia

Cuba launches online encyclopaedia similar to Wikipedia
Source: BBC News Online, .


The Cuban government is launching its own online encyclopaedia, similar to Wikipedia, with the goal of presenting its view of the world and history.

The new Spanish language website will be officially launched later on Tuesday but it is already up and running with nearly 20,000 entries on ecured.cu

The site says the aim is to spread knowledge without a profit motive. Updates will apparently be allowed with the administrators' approval but it is not clear who actually runs the site.

Founded in 2001 in Cuba's long-time ideological enemy, the United States, Wikipedia is a multilingual, free-content encyclopaedia. It encourages editorial changes from everybody who comes to the site, although restrictions exist on about 2,000 controversial articles.

Wikipedia has more than 3.5 million entries in English and 682,000 in Spanish, and some attracts 78 million visitors a month.

'Beautiful fruit'
According to Ecured, it was developed "to create and disseminate the knowledge of all and for all, from Cuba and with the world".

"Its philosophy is the accumulation and development of knowledge, with a democratising, not profitable, objective, from a decolonizer point of view."

The entry on the United States, for example, describes it as the "empire of our time, which has historically taken by force territory and natural resources from other nations, to put at the service of its businesses and monopolies".

"It consumes 25% of the energy produced on the planet and in spite of its wealth, more than a third of its population does not have assured medical attention," the article says.

The BBC's Michael Voss in Havana says relations between these two former Cold War foes have marginally improved under US President Barack Obama, but the decades-long trade embargo remains firmly in place.

Ecured claims that the US has always wanted to take over the Caribbean island. The entry says US leaders have looked upon Cuba "like those who admire a beautiful fruit that will end up falling in their hands".

Fidel Castro, who was succeeded as Cuban president by his brother Raul in 2008, "writes and participates in the struggle of ideas at a global level" and "influences important and strategic decisions of the Revolution". Raul Castro is meanwhile described as a "revolutionary combatant, political leader, statesman and military chief".

Saturday, 11 December 2010

Calls for World Solidarity with the Cuban Five

On December 10 International Day of Human Rights, Lets raise our voices for the heroes: 5 DAYS FOR THE 5

Source: TheCuban5.org

Delegates from Latin America and Europe who were present at the VI International Colloquium for the Freedom of the 5 Heroes and Against Terrorism, in Holguin, proposed to put in place an immediate plan of action for December 10, International Day of Human Rights.

On that day, from 9AM to 5PM (Eastern Time), and for 5 consecutive days LETS CALL, OR SEND FAXES, OR SEND E-MAILS, OR TELEGRAMS to the WHITE HOUSE to demand President Obama Free the 5 Cuban Patriots imprisoned in the United States for defending their homeland.

The significance of this day is that on December 10, 1948, the UN General Assembly approved the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and established that day as the International Day on Human Rights.

Read more...


[Note: there is a new contact form on the US government website: http://www.whitehouse.gov/contact/ which has replaced comments@whitehouse.gov. That email address is no longer monitored - RATB.]



Urgent Call for World Solidarity with the Cuban Five
Source: Cuban News Agency (ACN), 23 November 2010.

HAVANA, Cuba - Olga Salanueva, wife of Rene Gonzalez, one of the five Cuban antiterrorist unjustly imprisoned in the United States since 1998 for trying to prevent terrorist actions against Cuba, made a call to strengthen international solidarity for the freedom of these men. Salanueva pointed out, at the Yoruba Cultural Association of Cuba, that nowadays the support of friends from all over the world is the only possible way to have these five antiterrorists —internationally known as the Cuban Five— back in Cuba.

She recalled the influence of the international public opinion last year during the re-sentencing process of Ramon Labañino, Fernando Gonzalez and Antonio Guerrero, when the prosecution acknowledged before the judge the need to change their sentences to avoid further discredit to the court’s image. Rene’s wife also explained that they are trying to take the case of Gerardo Hernandez under review and to present new evidence to the same authorities that condemned him in 2001, so as to prove that he had an unjust and biased trial in Miami.

Salanueva mentioned the fierce smear campaign against the Cuban Five led by the media in Miami, labelling them as spies and enemies, which brought about prejudice among the local community from which the members of the jury were later chosen. During the meeting, a letter addressed to US President Barack Obama demanding the release of the Cuban Five, was read. Also present in the meeting were Fernando Gonzalez’s mother, Magalis Llort, and sister, Lourdes Gonzalez, as well as members of the Yoruba Cultural Association of Cuba and other guests.

Reuters can't ignore Cuba in Haiti

Cuban medics a big force on Haiti cholera frontline
By Pascal Fletcher, 4 December 2010
Source: Reuters.

PORT-AU-PRINCE (Reuters) - They don't send out press releases, don't have public information officers and their contacts are not widely publicized by the huge international humanitarian operation helping cholera-hit Haiti.

But when the United Nations appeals for more doctors and nurses to combat the deadly disease that is killing dozens by the day, it is to Cuba's medical brigade that U.N. officials are likely to turn to first.

With a tradition of service in the world's poorest and most forgotten states, the Cubans are a major frontline force in the multinational response to the raging epidemic, which has killed at least 2,000 people and probably more, since mid-October in the impoverished country.

While many Western aid workers crowd Haiti's capital, where more than 1.3 million vulnerable homeless survivors of the January 12 earthquake are crammed into tent camps, Cuba's medics are seeking out cholera victims in hard-to-reach rural hamlets.

A Cuban-led team trekked this week to one such settlement -- the dirt-poor mountain village of Plateau in Haiti's cholera-ravaged Artibonite department, where they set up an emergency makeshift cholera treatment centre on the benches of a Protestant church.

"We don't look for publicity but we do look for the people," Dr. Lorenzo Somarriba, coordinator of the Cuban Medical Brigade in Haiti, told Reuters at the brigade's headquarters in a Port-au-Prince suburb.

"The Cuban doctors are working in the most difficult places. It's our policy to concentrate on areas outside the national capital," he said, a fact acknowledged by both Haitian and foreign health authorities.


STRENGTH ON THE GROUND
A small Cuban flag sits on the table in front of Somarriba, while pictures of former President Fidel Castro and guerrilla icon Ernesto "Che" Guevara, himself a doctor, adorn the walls.

Plateau represents the 39th cholera treatment location set up and run by the Cubans across much of Haiti's daunting geography, from the coast to the denuded mountains of the interior where poor, illiterate peasants are helpless victims of a deadly diarrheal disease they have never known before.

These locations are carefully marked on a map of Haiti in the Cuban brigade's headquarters and Somarriba, a Cuban vice minister of health, reels off figures and statistics like a general marshalling his forces in a military campaign.

The Cuban-led medical brigade in Haiti is 908 people strong, Somarriba said. It includes Cuban-trained professionals from 19 other countries -- mostly Latin American, Caribbean and African nationals who serve under the Cuban flag.

It is the largest medical contingent in Haiti from any one nation, treating 30 percent to 40 percent of the cholera patients.

The Cuban contingent consists mostly of doctors and nurses but also includes technicians and logistics experts. They have warehouses, a fleet of trucks, and planes that fly in supplies and personnel from the communist-ruled island to the west.

The scale, organisation and experience of this presence make Cuba the country that Haiti's government and its relief partners seek out when they need to ramp up the struggling response to the unchecked epidemic.

"They (the Cubans) are available, they are trained up, they have resources in place," said Nyka Alexander, spokeswoman in Haiti for the World Health Organisation.

"We know the terrain. We have people who speak Creole and the people know us," says Somarriba, citing the 12-year presence of a Cuban medical brigade in Haiti. Cuban medics first came to help after Hurricane George in 1998.

The United Nations' top humanitarian official, Briton Valerie Amos, said during a visit to Haiti last month that the country needed an urgent surge of foreign medics -- at least 1,000 nurses and 100 more doctors -- if it was to have any hope of curbing the death rate of the raging epidemic.
Britain's government said days later it would fund 115 doctors, 920 nurses and 740 support staff from the region to set up 12 treatment centres and 60 subsidiary units in Haiti.


FIRST TO RESPOND
U.N. officials said Cuba was the first to offer more personnel. "There is a call for everybody but the response came first from the Cubans. They are going to send 300 additional doctors," Edmond Mulet, head of the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Haiti, told Reuters.

Somarriba said the Cuban medical reinforcements were ready in Havana and would be flown in.

He said that besides its own resources, the Cuban brigade was receiving significant contributions for its work from the Panamerican Health Organisation/World Health Organisation, the U.N. children's agency UNICEF and the World Food Programme.

Cuba also had been working since 2007 with socialist ally and oil producer Venezuela to create a health service network across Haiti. Havana already had helped Haiti after the devastating January earthquake, with a medical response reaching a peak of more than 1,700 personnel in March.

Somarriba said Cuban doctors and nurses already in Haiti had treated the first cases of the cholera outbreak on October 15 in Mirebalais in the Centre Department, raising the alarm about severe diarrhoea later confirmed to be cholera.

In centres run by the Cuban brigade, less people were dying from cholera, Somarriba said. The mortality rate there was under 1 percent, below the national average of 3.5 percent.

He quickly added: "We should avoid competition, comparison. We should all just be helping ... we'll be helping Haiti and all of the Americas because of the risk of this spreading."

They may not have the public relations punch of many international charities but the Cubans have a powerful cheerleader in former President Fidel Castro, who has recounted their exploits in statements on Cuban government websites.

"Haiti needs to be rebuilt from its foundations, with the help and cooperation of everyone," Castro said.

45,174 Venezuelans treated in Cuba

45,174 Venezuelans received free medical assistance in Cuba
by Ministry of Peoples Power for Foreign Affairs, 30 November 2010.
Source: Ven-Global News.


“It has been 10 years after the endorsement of the Comprehensive Health Agreement Cuba-Venezuela and the results can be clearly seen: 45,174 Venezuelan affected by different pathologies went to Cuba in order to receive assistance for their health problems.”Explained the coordinator of the cooperation program Jhonny Ramos.

Ramos assured that there are cases of patients who were declared terminally ill in health centers of Venezuela. These people suffered from cancer, CVAs and conditions in their vital organs. They underwent a proper medical treatment in Cuba and now enjoy perfect health and have a better quality of life.

He explained that one of the conclusions about the neglection of patients with serious diseases is that a significant number of Venezuelan doctors have a mercantilist conception of health. Thus, doctors send home patients who cannot afford a medical treatment.

“In Venezuela, there are excellent doctors, they are among the best of the world. The difference stems from the point of view in which medicine is considered. Venezuelan doctors had the idea of making money, while in Cuba they have the idea to help those human beings in need.” Ramos pointed out.

“We understand than a professional of medicine has studied to have a better life but a persons health cannot be priced, and that is what has occurred in our health care system.” He said.

However, thanks to the agreement endorsed by the Venezuelan and Cuban governments, the philosophical conception of health in Venezuela is being transformed through the education of new professionals of the Latin American Medicine School (ELAM).

More than 1,000 graduates are doing postgraduate courses in Cuba and Venezuela to date. A group of these postgraduates have joined the flagship binational health program: Mission Barrio Adentro.

“The directors Mission Barrio Adentro are Venezuelan. There are currently around 10,000 students in the last year of the medicine school and all of them are professionals with another way to conceive medicine, as socialist medicine, in which people is not treated as merchandise.”

Another decade to go
On November 10th, President Hugo Chávez Frías and Raúl Castro Ruz ratified the comprehensive agreement for another decade.

Ramos stated that this new phase has the aim to create centers of specialized assistance. The main objective during the first ten years was to consolidate Mission Barrio Adentro in its phases I, II and III, which include primary health care, comprehensive care, Centers of Comprehensive Diagnosis, Comprehensive Rehabilitation Rooms and restoration of public hospitals.

“The specialized centers allow not only to give assistance to the patients, but also to contribute to the education of the human resources. We are currently working on the creation of the Oncological Hospital, the National Center for Neurological Restoration and the National Center for the Treatment of Addictions.” Ramos remarked.

The agreement will enter a new phase in 2011: “10,000 Venezuelan doctors will join the program. They are going to progressively replace our Cuban brothers because the health system is intended to be managed by Venezuelans.” He added.

Cuba to send medical reinforcements to Haiti

By Shasta Darlington, 27 November 2010
Source: CNN.


Havana, Cuba (CNN) -- Fidel Castro announced Saturday that Cuba will send another 300 doctors and health specialists to cholera-stricken Haiti, where the Communist country has maintained a strong presence even before the devastating earthquake in January.

The new delegation will bring the number of Cuban doctors, nurses and health technicians working in Haiti to 1,300.

"It is of extreme importance to prevent the epidemic from extending to other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, because under current circumstances it would cause extraordinary damage to the countries of the hemisphere," Castro said in a message posted on the state-run website Cubadebate.

"The need to find efficient and fast solutions in the fight against the epidemic is upon us," he said.

The additional 300 specialists comprise the "Henry Reeve Brigade," created by Cuba to respond to natural disasters.

Castro said the decision to send them was taken by the Communist Party and the government.

Thursday, 9 December 2010

Assange Accuser's CIA-Ties

Assange Accuser Worked with US-Funded, CIA-Tied Anti-Castro Group.
By Kirk James Murphy, M.D. 4 December 2010.
Source: Question Everything.


Yesterday Alexander Cockburn reminded us of the news Israel Shamir and Paul Bennett broke at Counterpunch in September. Julian Assange’s chief accuser in Sweden has a significant history of work with anti-Castro groups, at least one of which is US funded and openly supported by a former CIA agent convicted in the mass murder of seventy three Cubans on an airliner he was involved in blowing up.

Anna Ardin (the official complainant) is often described by the media as a “leftist”. She has ties to the US-financed anti-Castro and anti-communist groups. She published her anti-Castro diatribes (see here and here) in the Swedish-language publication Revista de Asignaturas Cubanas put out by Misceláneas de Cuba. From Oslo, Professor Michael Seltzer points out that this periodical is the product of a well-financed anti-Castro organization in Sweden. He further notes that the group is connected with Union Liberal Cubana led by Carlos Alberto Montaner whose CIA ties were exposed here.

Quelle surprise, no? Shamir and Bennett went on to write about Ardin’s history in Cuba with a US funded group openly supported by a real terrorist: Luis Posada Carriles.

In Cuba she interacted with the feminist anti-Castro group Las damas de blanco (the Ladies in White). This group receives US government funds and the convicted anti-communist terrorist Luis Posada Carriles is a friend and supporter. Wikipedia quotes Hebe de Bonafini, president of the Argentine Madres de Plaza de Mayo as saying that “the so-called Ladies in White defend the terrorism of the United States.”

Who is Luis Posada Carriles? He’s a mass murderer, and former CIA agent.

Luis Clemente Faustino Posada Carriles (born February 15, 1928) (nicknamed Bambi by some Cuban exiles)[1] is a Cuban-born Venezuelan anti-communist extremist. A former Central Intelligence Agency agent,[2] Posada has been convicted in absentia of involvement in various terrorist attacks and plots in the Americas, including: involvement in the 1976 bombing of a Cuban airliner that killed seventy-three people;[3][4] admitted involvement in a string of bombings in 1997 targeting fashionable Cuban hotels and nightspots;[5][6][7] involvement in the Bay of Pigs invasion; [and] involvement in the Iran-Contra affair…

Luis Posada Carriles is so evil that even the Bush administration wanted him behind bars: In 2005, Posada was held by U.S. authorities in Texas on the charge of illegal presence on national territory before the charges were dismissed on May 8, 2007. On September 28, 2005 a U.S. immigration judge ruled that Posada cannot be deported, finding that he faces the threat of torture in Venezuela.[11] His release on bail on April 19, 2007 had elicited angry reactions from the Cuban and Venezuelan governments.[12] The U.S. Justice Department had urged the court to keep him in jail because he was “an admitted mastermind of terrorist plots and attacks”, a flight risk and a danger to the community.[7]

Who is Julian Assange’s chief accuser in Sweden? She’s a gender equityofficer at Uppsula University – who chose to associate with a US funded group openly supported by a convicted terrorist and mass murderer. She just happens to have her work published by a very well funded group connected with Union Liberal Cubana – whose leader, Carlos Alberto Montaner, in turn just happened to pop up on right wing Colombian TV a few hours after the right-wing coup in Honduras. Where he joined the leader of the failed coup in Ecuador to savage Correa, the target of the coup. Montnaner also just happened to vociferously support the violent coup in Honduras, and chose to show up to sing the praises of the Honduran junta. Jean-Guy Allard, a
retired Canadian journalist who now writes for Cuba’s Gramma, captured the moment.

A strange pair appeared on NTN 24, the right-wing Colombian television channel aligned to the Fox Broadcasting Company the U.S. A few hours after the coup attempt in Quito, Ecuador, CIA agent Carlos Alberto Montaner, a fugitive from Cuban justice for acts of terrorism, joined with one of the leaders of the failed Ecuadorian coup, ex-Lieutenant Colonel Lucio Gutiérrez, to attack President Rafael Correa…

On the margin of his media news shows, Montaner’s is known for his fanatic support of the most extreme elements of the Cuban-American mafia. Last year, in the wake of the coup d’état against Honduran President Manuel Zelaya, June 28, he became an fervent supporter of the dictator Roberto Micheletti, along with U.S. Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, and another Cuban-American terrorist and CIA collaborator, Armando Valladares.

Montaner showed up repeatedly in Tegucigalpa to “defend human rights,” and at the same time to applaud the fascist Honduran regime when it unleashed its police on demonstrations by the National Resistance Front.

Oh…and the “rape” charge that’s smeared Julian Assange’s name around the world? On Thursday James D. Catlin, the Melbourne barrister who represented Assange in London, wrote: Apparently having consensual sex in Sweden without a condom is punishable by a term of imprisonment of a minimum of two years for rape. That is the basis for a reinstitution of rape charges against WikiLeaks figurehead Julian Assange that is destined to make Sweden and its justice system the laughing stock of the world and dramatically damage its reputation as a model of modernity.

Sweden’s Public Prosecutor’s Office was embarrassed in August this year when it leaked to the media that it was seeking to arrest Assange for rape, then on the same day withdrew the arrest warrant because in its own words there was “no evidence”. The damage to Assange’s reputation is incalculable. More than three quarters of internet references to his name refer to rape. Now, three months on and three prosecutors later, the Swedes seem to be clear on their basis to proceed. Consensual sex that started out with a condom ended up without one, ergo, the sex was not consensual.

I’ve spent much of my professional life as a psychiatrist helping women (and men) who are survivors of sexual violence. Rape is a hideous crime. Yet in Assange’s case his alleged victim – the gender equity officer at Uppsala University – chose to throw a party for her alleged assailant – after they’d had the sex that even Swedish prosecutors concede was consensual. Barrister Caitlin again: ‘[The] phenomena of social networking through the internet and mobile phones constrains Swedish authorities from augmenting the evidence against Assange because it would look even less credible in the face of tweets by Anna Ardin and SMS texts by Sofia Wilén boasting of their respective conquests after the “crimes”.’

In the case of Ardin it is clear that she has thrown a party in Assange’s honour at her flat after the “crime” and tweeted to her followers that she is with the “the world’s coolest smartest people, it’s amazing!”. Go on the internet and see for yourself. That Ardin has sought unsuccessfully to delete these exculpatory tweets from the public record should be a matter of grave concern. That she has published on the internet a guide on how to get revenge on cheating boyfriends ever graver. The exact content of Wilén’s mobile phone texts is not yet known but their bragging and exculpatory character has been confirmed by Swedish prosecutors. Neither Wilén’s nor Ardin’s texts complain of rape.

Small world, isn’t it? Julian Assange is the human face of Wikileaks – the organization that’s enabled whistle-blowers to reveal hideous war crimes and expose much of America’s foreign policy to the world.

He just happens to meet a Swedish woman who just happens to have been publishing her work in a well-funded anti-Castro group that just happens to have links with a group led by a man at least one journalist describes as an agent of the CIA: the violent secret arm of America’s foreign policy. And she just happens to have been expelled from Cuba, which just happens to be the global symbol of successful defiance of American foreign policy.

And – despite her work in Sweden upholding the human right of gender equity – in Cuba she just happens to end up associating with a group openly supported by an admitted CIA agent who himself committed mass murder when he actively participated in the terrorist bombing of a jetliner carrying a Cuban sports team…an act that was of a piece with America’s secret foreign policy of violent attacks against Cuban state interests.

And now she just happens – after admittedly consensual sex – to have gone to Swedish authorities to report the sex ended without a condom…which just happens to be the pretext for Interpol to issue a “Red Notice” informing the world’s police forces of charges against Julian Assange.

Who just happens to be the man America’s political class – the people who run America’s foreign policy – have been trying to silence. And who happens to be the man some of them have been calling to have murdered. With a lust for vengeance like that, one could be forgiven for concluding they’ve just happened to have taken a page from Anna’s revenge manual.

US interference in Venezuela

Wikileaks in Venezuela: Espionage, Propaganda and Disinformation.
By Eva Golinger, 5 December 2010.
Source: Postcards from the Revolution.


The first batch of recently released secret and confidential US State Department documents obtained by Wikileaks include over a dozen dispatches from the US Embassy in Caracas, Venezuela, evidencing espionage against the Chavez administration, use of opposition media and politicians as informants and insulting remarks about the country.

The Wikileaks release last Sunday, November 28, of over a quarter million US State Department cables obtained illegally has caused scandals worldwide over the methods, perspectives and dirty maneuvering of US foreign policy.

Almost no country or government is exempt from mention in the thousands of secret and classified documents, which are being released over a period of months in order to appreciate the quality of the information, while also subjecting Washington to a type of prolonged torture.

The first several hundred documents made public primarily originate from US embassies in Europe and the Middle East, as well as direct from the State Department and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton herself.

But Wikileaks founder Julian Assange, classified as a "terrorist" and "enemy combatant" by the United States, has also released a select group of cables from US embassies in Latin America.

Approximately 14 documents so far have been published that were dispatched by the US Embassy in Caracas, though several other cables from different US embassies worldwide reference Venezuela and President Hugo Chavez. Of the documents released, the majority refer to Washington's obsession with Venezuela's relations with two particular countries: Cuba and Iran.

ATTACKING HEALTHCARE, FOREIGN POLICY
One document, the first published on Venezuela by Wikileaks, criticizes Venezuela's successful healthcare program, Barrio Adentro, by claiming it is "usurping funds from the public hospital system".

The cable, which was authored by former US Ambassador Patrick Duddy in December 2009, quotes only anti-Chavez sources, including a journalist from the opposition newspaper, El Universal, and several doctors working in private clinics and public hospitals.

There is little serious mention of the billions of dollars the Venezuelan government has pumped into the public hospital and healthcare system in order to not only renovate older facilities left in disarray by former governments, but also to create a new healthcare system, which the Embassy cable cynically calls "parallel", to guarantee free, universal care to all Venezuelans.

At the end of the cable, Duddy's comments show either ignorance or an intentional distortion of fact, when he claims, "The quality of healthcare in Venezuela has declined as the GBRV (Government of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela) has shifted resources from the traditional medical system to "Barrio Adentro".

The hard evidence shows the contrary.

For the first time in the nation's history, all Venezuelans have access to quality, free healthcare, from the preventive care level, up to complex, high-tech treatments and interventions.


INFORMANTS AND SPIES

The Embassy cables on Venezuela don't just reveal a distortion of Venezuela's reality, which is an attempt to portray the Chavez administration in a negative light, they also provide insight into who the US government sources are and how US diplomats operate as spies in the country.

One document, a scathing analysis of the alleged Cuban presence in Venezuela's intelligence services and a host of other government institutions, would at first glance be alarming.

The cable, cynically titled "Cuba/Venezuela Axis of Mischief: The View from Caracas", was written by notorious former Ambassador William Brownfield in January 2006, and claims Cubans have penetrated almost every aspect of Venezuela's government, culture and economy.

It's reminiscent of Cold War era fear-mongering about the "communist expansion" and "red scare" in the hemisphere. This time, however, instead of the Russians, it's the "Cubans are coming...they are everywhere".

Be alarmed, be very alarmed.

Except that, when read in detail, it becomes clear that the sources behind this alleged "Cuban communist takeover" are actually high-profile opposition leaders, such as ex Governor and now fugitive from justice, Manuel Rosales, big business executives and journalists from anti-Chavez media.

Brownfield even writes in the cable statements such as "Anecdotal reporting suggests...", "Less reliable reports indicate..." and "Unconfirmed sensitive reporting suggests...", evidencing the weakness of the information provided, which was marked "Secret/No Foreign Distribution" and was sent to the Secretary of State, the National Security Council, the Pentagon's Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), and a host of other US embassies and consulates ranging from Brasilia, La Paz, Lima, Managua, Quito, Buenos Aires, Santiago and Mexico, to Brussels, Lisbon, Madrid, Paris, London, Rome and The Hague.

Information that is unconfirmed, comes from exclusively biased sources (all anti-Chavez) and overall has no foundation in reality, is then used to craft US policy towards Venezuela.

The documents published by Wikileaks evidence that this dangerous scenario is repeated in US diplomacy around the world. The Caracas documents also evidence how Embassy employees violate their status as diplomats to engage in espionage against the Venezuelan government.

In the "Cuban scare" cable, Brownfield reveals that the Department of Defense monitors flight activity from Cuba to Venezuela daily, and then Embassy personnel try to gauge the number of passengers coming of the planes: "Embassy officers have noted regular flights of Cubans - or Venezuelans returning from official visits to Cuba - at Caracas' Maiquetia airport...Post cannot determine how many Cubans are on the flights..."

What Brownfield is most concerned about, apart from standing vigilance at the airport watching the planes come and go, is how the US could be affected by the Cuba-Venezuela relationship.

"The impact of Cuban involvement in Venezuelan intelligence could impact US interests directly", he claims, concerned about "the expertise that Cuban services could provide...about the activities of the USG". More or less, Washington is worried their clandestine actions in Venezuela will be exposed as the Venezuelans improve their intelligence capacity.

In another document, titled "Explaining Venezuela's coziness with Iran" Ambassador Brownfield invokes the "Iran scare" and comments, "Venezuela's support for a country that has nuclear ambitions, supports terrorism and talks about wiping Israel off the map is of grave concern. It also alarms nations - such as France...We can exploit this alarm". How exactly would they do that, interfere in Venezuela's relationship with France?

Brownfield remarks that Washington should not "dismiss the uranium rumors", referring to allegations that Venezuela was providing uranium to Iran to make bombs. But a later cable, written by the more steady-headed Charge D'Affairs John Caulfield in June 2009, contradicted Brownfield's war-mongering attitude.

"Although rumors that Venezuela is providing Iran with Venezuelan produced uranium may help burnish the government's revolutionary credentials, there seems to be little basis in reality to the claims...it is highly unlikely that Venezuela is providing Venezuelan uranium to third countries".

PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGN
In 2008, the US Embassy in Caracas decided it was time to employ the heavy services of the Pentagon's psychological operations team to bombard Venezuelans with pro-US propaganda, to counter, what an Embassy cable claimed in March 2008, "Chavez's anti-americanism".

"Embassy Caracas requests DOD (Department of Defense) support in the execution of its strategic communications plan. The goal for this program is to influence the information environment within Venezuela...DOD support would greatly enhance existing Embassy Public Diplomacy and pro-democracy activities".

Influencing the "information environment" in Venezuela with Pentagon support is clearly an outright violation of Venezuela's sovereignty, which appears to be a common denominator in most of the Embassy cables published so far on Venezuela.

The State Department's 2011 budget includes a special multimillion-dollar fund for a "30-minute, 5-day a week program in Spanish in Venezuela" and the Pentagon's includes a new program for "psychological operations" in the Southern Command (Latin America).

Some of the information in the cables can be verified by fact and corroborating evidence, while other data remains in the realm of rumors and bogus sources.

What is clear is the that the documents reaffirm the increasing US aggression against Venezuela and its hostile foreign policy against the Chavez administration, including a willingness to use unsubstantiated rumors to make dangerous accusations.

Wikileaks exposes US intervention in the Honduras coup

Leaks from Wikileaks expose U.S. intervention in the Honduras coup d’état
by Jean-Guy Allard, 1 December 2010.
Source: Granma

THE 2009 coup d’état in Honduras was "illegal and unconstitutional," as Cuban-American Hugo Llorens, U.S. ambassador to Tegucigalpa, was forced to admit. Llorens is also a former collaborator of Otto Reich, whose role in the events remains to be seen. A report from Llorens to the State Department is among the U.S. documents leaked on November 28 by Wikileaks, a website on the Internet dedicated to leaking secret information.

The document, signed by Llorens and sent to the State Department, also acknowledges that Zelaya’s letter of resignation letter was a "fabrication," without giving details of the evidence confirming that. The U.S. ambassador confirmed that "none of the arguments mentioned" by the coup leaders to justify the kidnapping and deportation of the constitutional president, Manuel Zelaya, have any validity under the Honduran Constitution, while some are clearly false and others are "mere suppositions."

It shows how the accounts of Zelaya’s arrest by the military demonstrate that he was never legally served with an arrest warrant, "that the soldiers gained entry by shooting the locks off, and essentially kidnapped the president."

Llorens makes no mention whatsoever of the complicity of the U.S. military forces present in Honduras in the operation carried out by elite troops from the Salvadorian army to fly the head of state out of the country. Eva Golinger, the Venezuelan-American lawyer and researcher, has demonstrated that, in the weeks following the coup, the Soto Cano Air Base which the United States maintains in Honduran territory played a fundamental role in overthrowing President Manuel Zelaya.

The document is one of hundreds of thousands of secret dispatches from the State Department leaked to the Spanish El País daily, The New York Times, The Guardian in the United Kingdom, the French Le Monde and the German Der Spiegel magazine, publications which are not known for criticizing the U.S. government.

In a tragicomic sounding paragraph, Llorens notes that "according to the logic of argument 239" invoked by the coup leaders, "Micheletti himself should be forced to step down because, as president of Congress he considered legislation to have a fourth ballot in the November 2009 elections for voter approval of a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution."
Any member of Congress who debated the proposal also should be removed from office, and the presidential candidate of the National Party, Pepe Lobo, who made the idea his, should be disqualified from taking public office for 10 years", he adds.


LLORENS, REICH, ROS-LEHTINEN AND CO.

In his report, Llorens takes refuge behind Honduran legal experts whom the embassy consulted in order to understand the arguments wielded by the coup supporters and their opponents.

It is a fact that many other documents, which are not "confidential" like this one, but "Top Secret", were exchanged between Washington and its embassy in Honduras during the events of 2009. Hugo Llorens’ close relationship with U.S. foreign policy wolves no doubt explains far better than his confidential report the rapid turnabout in the diplomacy of Obama and Hillary Clinton.

In a statement on November 28, the ultra-right wing Cuban-American Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who represents the Republican Party on foreign policy issues, described the revelation of these sensitive State Department documents by the Wikileaks website as "irresponsible."

The Miami congresswoman has reason to be concerned: she flew to the support of the dictator Roberto Micheletti shortly after the coup d’état that led to the expulsion of the constitutional president, Manuel Zelaya.

"I am with the president of Honduras, Roberto Micheletti, because he is the president of this country," the spokeswoman for the extreme right in the U.S. Congress affirmed during a press conference together with Micheletti in the government house in Honduras occupied by the dictatorship.

Llorens had advance notice of the coup. That was revealed a few days before his death by Roland Valenzuela, a former member of Zelaya’s administration, in an interview broadcast by a radio station in the city of San Pedro Sula.
Valenzuela recounted in detail how, on June 10, 2009, Roberto Micheletti, at that time president of the National Congress, before seizing power on the 28th of that same month, drafted the decree which would remove Zelaya from office.
He explained how a USAID contractor, Jacqueline Foglia Sandoval, was pointed to as "the person in charge of coordinating and executing the coup d’état."

A few days after his statements, Valenzuela was murdered in a public place by the businessman Carlos Yacamán, who was arrested on Wednesday, September 8 —not by the FBI, but by immigration authorities—in Miami, where he had taken refuge. Despite an official application for his extradition by the San Pedro Sula District Attorney’s Office, Yacamán remains under the protection of U.S. authorities.

Ambassador Hugo Llorens, who admitted after his report that he had participated in meetings in which coup plans were discussed before the kidnapping of President Zelaya, is a Cuban-American "terrorism" specialist. He was director of Andean Affairs at the National Security Council in Washington when the coup d’état against President Hugo Chávez took place.

Llorens directly reported to Otto Reich, assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere Affairs and the highly controversial Elliot Abrams.
Otto Reich is one of the most influential characters within the Miami mafia and in June of 2009, he was personally put in charge of protecting the Micheletti gang, together with Congresswoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen.

Haiti's election farce

Haiti Elections: Yet More Kaka from MINUSTAH
By Dady Chery, 29 November 2010
Source: Axis of Logic.


To hear it all, one would think that the Haitian electoral fraud happened yesterday. In fact, the fraud went down many months ago, when a corrupt electoral comission (CEP) with U.S., Canadian and French financial backing, banned the most popular political party Lavalas from the elections.

Without exception, all 18 candidates who ran for the presidency were party to the fraud. Should we be sorry that 13 of this gang were double-crossed? Yes, the polling places opened late and closed early. Yes, the ballot boxes were stuffed. Yes, the voters who supported Celestin were not marked in ink to prevent multiple votes. Yes, hundreds of thousands of potential voters failed to receive their ID cards. Yes, many voters, and even one presidential candidate, were turned away from the polls because their names had been scrubbed from the rolls. Yes, MINUSTAH (the UN) displayed Jude Celestin’s banners even while supposedly monitoring the election. Then again, the UN is monitoring the cholera epidemic that it started. So why shouldn’t we expect more kaka?

For months, Haitians have protested against this farce and paid for it with their lives. Over 90% of the potential voters failed to show up at the polls, not for lack of transportation but rather due to their possession of the facts and their native intelligence. Summing it up, if Lavalas cannot participate in the election, then the election is a fraud.



Let us be clear, the people of Haiti are not responding to calls from the gang of crooked candidates. It is the crooked candidates who are attempting to hijack a popular movement. The anti-election protests we see on Haiti's streets are not "riots": a term favored by the corporate media. The Haitians who gather daily to make public their rejection of the fraudulent election are not "mobs". What we are seeing is an organized nationwide response in the form of a powerful and rapidly developing resistance against Washington's puppet government and the UN occupation. The people's mandate is revolution, and it is permanent.

Narco-trafficker Uribe appointed 'Distinguished Scholar' by Georgetown University


Rally Against Uribe’s Appointment at Georgetown
by Rachel Winch, 18 November 2010.
Source: NACLA (North American Congress on Latin America).


In 2004 Gerardo Cajamarca Alarcón, a union activist finally fled Colombia after paramilitary forces killed four of his friends and threatened to kill him. He believed his life was in imminent danger, and he had good reason. Colombia has been named “the murder capital of the world for trade unionists”; over the past few years, out of every ten trade unionists killed in the world, seven have been from Colombia.

Cajamarca fled a land ruled by Colombian president Álvaro Uribe, who has been accused of supporting the paramilitary forces responsible for a number of the union deaths. On November 3, Cajamarca stood in front of a rally of students, faculty, and human rights activists who were demonstrating against Uribe’s appointment as a “Distinguished Scholar in the Practice of Global Leadership” at Georgetown University in Washington D.C. to share his story and demand that Uribe be prosecuted for his crimes.

“We are here in the name of our dead,” Cajamarca told the crowd. “For truth, justice, and reparations.” Holding photos of union leaders who had been assassinated, he went on to describe the cooperative links between transnational corporations and the 2002-2010 Uribe administration, and the role this cooperation played in these killings. Uribe “represents this criminal system,” he concluded.

Uribe, who has been involved in the Colombian political system since he was elected mayor of Medellín in 1982, has also been connected with the illegal surveillance of Supreme Court judges, journalists, and human rights defenders. Hollman Morris, a Colombian journalist who is now a prestigious Nieman fellow at Harvard University (although his visa was initially denied by the U.S. State Department), described his experiences being targeted by Uribe at a talk following the rally: “I understood that any journalism I were to do just got a lot more dangerous. Any curve could have an ‘accident.’” Uribe targeted the internationally renowned journalist as a “publicist for terrorism,” a public smearing technique the Colombian president used to discredit a number of journalists and human rights defenders.

On August 11, just four days after Uribe finished his term in office, Georgetown University announced that he had been selected as a Distinguished Scholar and that beginning in September he would “conduct seminars and other programmatic activities for students in the School of Foreign Service and the broader university community . . . to help foster conversations on important issues facing the international community.”

“We are looking forward to having President Uribe join our university community,” said Georgetown University President John J. DeGioia. “Having such a distinguished world leader at Georgetown will further the important work of students and faculty engaging important global issues.”

However, on September 29, students delivered an open letter to DeGioia, signed by over 150 scholars, asking Georgetown to dismiss Uribe because of his involvement in human rights violations. The letter—which was written by Colombian Jesuit Father Javier Giraldo Moreno S.J.—explained some of Uribe’s controversial history in Colombia. It cited “Uribe’s ties to paramilitary groups,” among other serious human rights violations and scandals that defined his two terms as president. Not only did Uribe “continue to sponsor those paramilitary groups,” Giraldo wrote, “but he defended them and he perfected them into a new pattern of legalized paramilitarism . . . while at the same time lying to the international community with a phony demobilization of the paramilitaries.”

Georgetown Peace Studies professor Mark Lance explained at the rally that the decision to appoint Uribe as a Distinguished Scholar was not an isolated aberration to glorify human rights violations. Rather, it is a more deeply rooted practice of the university to invite people who are perceived as powerful to train students to be the next class of elite: “They brought him here for one very simple reason,” Lance avowed. “Because he was a president. That’s all that mattered in the making of this decision. Because if you’re powerful in this sense of power, if you run national organizations, you’re welcome here. Because that fits into a conceptualization of education that’s shared by many educators, many faculty, and, I’m afraid, many students at this university.”

Former Distinguished Scholars in the Practice of Global Leadership in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown have indeed been politically powerful, including Former President of Poland Aleksander Kwasniewski, former National Security Advisor Anthony Lake, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, former Spanish prime minister José María Aznar, and former Ambassador at Large Robert L. Gallucci. The most controversial was the appointment of a George W. Bush administration Iraq war architect Douglas Feith as a professor at the School of Foreign Service in 2006 (but not as a Distinguished Scholar), which caused similar faculty and student protests.

Following the rally, Georgetown University law students delivered Uribe a subpoena summoning him to testify in a case against Drummond Company, Inc., an Alabama-based coal company that is being tried in U.S. Federal Court on accusations of paying paramilitary forces to kill union organizers and other civilians in the regions of Colombia where they are mining. After a number of thwarted attempts, the students successfully served the subpoena as Uribe was leaving a class he was teaching.

The subpoena itself encapsulates the core reasons why so many at Georgetown are angered by Uribe’s appointment: In 2009 nearly 500 family members of Colombian civilians who the paramilitary assassinated filed the case after uncovering evidence that Drummond funded the United Self Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), the paramilitary forces responsible for the assassinations. The Drummond plaintiffs summoned Uribe to testify in the case on the grounds that he has “direct knowledge of several key issues in the case,” which includes both governmental collusion with the AUC and governmental protection of the Drummond mining facility. Students hope that the subpoena will further the case of the Colombian families and also support their efforts to repeal Uribe’s appointment at Georgetown.

Uribe’s deposition in the Drummond case is scheduled for November 22 in Washington, DC. Students and faculty are continuing to organize against Uribe’s status as “Distinguished Scholar” and are committed to do so until he has been discharged. “When we win this campaign and Uribe is forced to leave Georgetown,” Charity Ryerson, a Georgetown Law student and leader of the movement against Uribe’s appointment told a Georgetown University reporter “a message will be sent that our community does not condone the model of politics Uribe represents.”

As Gerardo Cajamarca Alarcón said as he closed his address to the crowd gathered, “For our dead, not one minute of silence. An entire life of fighting.”


Rachel Winch is a NACLA Research Associate

Wednesday, 1 December 2010

Fidel's Comments: Is the answer blowing in the wind?

by Dominic O'Hara,
written for Rock Around The Blockade (RATB), 01 December 2010.


In a recent interview with US journalist Jeffrey Goldberg, (national correspondent for Atlantic magazine), Fidel Castro responding to a question about whether Cuba's economic system was still worth exporting was quoted as saying that "The Cuban model doesn't even work for us anymore". Goldberg and Julia Sweig, a 'Cuba expert' from the Council on Foreign Relations, who was also present, made statements to the press after the interview claiming that this 'nine-word confession' was a clear admission by the former president that the so-called 'model' for Cuban socialism didn't work.

This news came as an early Christmas present to the US and British corporate media, intent on distorting and demonising Cuban political and economic affairs, and they wasted no time in latching onto it. Headlines and statements such as 'Fidel Castro says economic system is failing' (Rory Carroll, Guardian, 9 September 2010), Fidel's 'Nine word confession undercuts half a century of thundering revolutionary certitude about Cuban socialism'(Carroll, Guardian, 9 September 2010) and 'Fidel Castro says communism doesn't work'(which Carroll, the Guardian's Latin American correspondent, was forced to retract from his article the next day due to the invalidity of the heading) were heard and spread across the radio, TV, tabloids and broadsheets.


When Fidel tried to explain the meaning of his comment, pointing out that it had been misinterpreted by Goldberg, Sweig and the bourgeois media (to make it look like he was renouncing socialism in Cuba), he was accused of trying to take attention away from his comments, i.e. to 'dampen the story'. Fidel commenting on the affair in a speech at the University of Havana on 10 September, said:

‘The truth is that the meaning of my response was exactly the opposite of the interpretation made by both American journalists of the Cuban model. My idea, as everybody knows, is that the capitalist system does not work anymore either for the United States or the world, which jumps from one crisis into the next, and these are ever more serious, global and frequent and there is no way the world could escape from them. How could such a system work for a socialist country like Cuba?’

This so-called controversy prepared the ground for a full ideological onslaught on the Revolution a few days later when the 5-year plan to reorganise the Cuban economy and workforce was attacked by the corporate press (Rory Carroll's article 'Capitalist storm clouds loom over Havana after state cuts 1m jobs' Guardian, 15 September 2010, is a prime example). It would have been more disconcerting if Fidel's response to Goldberg and Sweig had asserted the 'perfection' of Cuban socialism on the eve of such significant measures to improve the country's economic management. In fact, it was Fidel Castro himself he initiated the campaign to improve the efficiency of the Cuban system in the mid-2000s (See 'Cuba: stirring society at its roots' FRFI, February 2006). It is the healthy dose of self-reflection and criticism which has helped to constantly invigorate the Cuban Revolution. Novelist Gabriel Garcia Marquez has said: ‘The explanation of Cuba is that Fidel is at the same time the head of government and the leader of the opposition.’

To overcome the easily confusing manner of this war-of-words, we must challenge the assumption within the original question 'whether the Cuban model is still worth exporting?', that there is such a thing as a 'Cuban model' for socialism.

In 1982 Fidel Castro stated:
‘In their ravings they pretend that Cuba is an exporter of revolutions. In their sleepless business and usurers minds they believe that revolutions can be sold and bought, rent and lent, export or import as one more merchandise’.
In 1989 he said:
‘we maintain that a revolution cannot be imported or exported. A socialist state cannot be established through artificial insemination or by the transplant of embryos. Revolution required the proper conditions developed within the very society and only the people of the country can be its own creator’.

Nelson P. Valdes in an article titled 'What is the Cuban model?' questions bourgeois commentators use of the term. While pointing out that Cuban socialism has a number of fairly consistent features and characteristics e.g. in it's approach to national, political, economic and social matters, he argues that these in no way equate to the rigid and dogmatic model that Cuba is portrayed as adopting by the capitalist press. Valdes comments that 'the Cuban revolution has followed a fairly practical, pragmatic and result-orientated approach in the economy' and that for this reason 'there is no such thing as the Cuban model. The Revolutionary regime has been pragmatic and changed over time, whenever circumstance required it, which is why it is possible to speak of different periods since 1959.’


In conclusion it is clear that our understanding of the term 'the Cuban model' shapes not only how we perceive Fidel's comments but also the corporate media's reaction to them. To those who believe that the Cuban Revolution is based on a rigid, inflexible and dogmatic programme, Fidel's comments would have come as proof of the ‘failure of socialism’ in Cuba, and the media's exaggerated reaction would have been viewed as perfectly legitimate.

To socialists however Fidel's comment was a reflection of the ‘practical, pragmatic and result-orientated approach’ to the economy which the Revolutionary government has always followed (the 5-year plan to reorganise the economy and workforce is a product of this approach) and the media’s overblown reaction was the product of the ongoing propaganda war against Socialist Cuba. Valdes draws his own conclusion by stating that ‘Only those who are ill acquainted with the Cuban reality could come up with the assertion that there is an all encompassing, never changing Cuban model'.

RATB asserts that the European, British and Yankee imperialists will do all in their power to maintain and deepen an ignorance of the Cuban reality. The huge resources spent everyday (radio, TV, newspapers, etc.) on distorting the image of life in Cuba is evidence of the scale of threat that the truth represents.

For those who claim to be socialists/communists, it is their task and duty to expose these corporate lies and to reveal the true reality of Cuban socialism. Challenge the common held perceptions and emphasize the Revolutions success in meeting the educational, medical and basic needs of its people, not to mention the fact that it has defied the might of the world's biggest imperialist power, the US, for over 50 years!