Friday, 15 April 2011

RATB Reports: 50th Anniversary of the Bay of Pigs victory, Glasgow, Scotland

written for RATB by Michael MacGregor, 14 April 2011.

On Sunday 10 April, 50 people gathered in Glasgow’s city centre to discuss, debate and educate each other about Cuba’s decisive defeat of US-backed counterrevolution at the Bay of Pigs in April 1961. While the majority of the audience were born well after that historic moment, the vitality and solid achievements of Cuba’s socialist revolution were upheld and applauded as central to today’s unfolding battle against the cuts. Speaker after speaker, from the platform and the floor, made the real connections between Cuba’s socialism and internationalism and the struggles of the here and now. Helen Yaffe, author of 'Che Guevara: the Economics of Revolution', laid out the scale and continuity of the attacks on Cuba since the Revolution of 1959. She demonstrated that the form but not the purpose of these attacks have changed. The United States government first employed a method well tested and effective in Latin America and the rest of the world – right up to today!

This ‘Track One’ strategy of direct military intervention led to the attempted invasion of Cuba on 15 April 1961. Crushingly repelled by the Cuban people, it marked the point at which socialism was openly declared. What the Revolution then has had to face for nearly 50 years was the United States ‘Track Two’ plan which continues and has been strengthened in recent years. This is based on the illegal blockade of Cuba which has crippled Cuba’s economic development, costing billions of dollars and which is annually condemned by the overwhelming majority of countries at the United Nations, leaving the US and Israel in ignominious isolation.

'Track Two' also involves the financing of so-called opposition groups in Cuba whereby the multinational media and imperialist diplomats promote a picture of Cuba as some sort of undemocratic failed state just ripe for western intervention and a regime of free market neo-liberalism. This approach, which is fully endorsed by the Obama regime in the US, is as doomed to failure as the Bay of Pigs invasion. Because, as US secret intelligence files from the last five decades and including the latest WikiLeaks, show, there has never been any significant opposition to the Cuban Revolution amongst its people.

The Socialist Revolution declared in 1961 at the Bay of Pigs - what the Cubans call Playa Girón - has delivered. It has delivered what 30 years of neo-liberalism in Latin America and throughout the world has itself failed to deliver. The results of neo-liberalism was to increase the number of Latin Americans living in poverty from 136 million to 200 million during the 1980s alone, and to transfer $100 billion of assets from state into private (mainly foreign) hands in the 1990s. Over these two decades, GDP per capita growth was just 0.45% per year, demonstrating that privatisation, austerity measures and the rolling back of the state led to stagnation and poverty, not growth and prosperity. The rule of the market, of the banks and multinationals, of imperialism, has only further impoverished millions and the Cubans know this and will not accept the arguments or guns and bombs of its ghoulish protagonists.

Despite the US blockade and without neo-liberalist economics, Cuban socialism has fed, cared for, educated and raised its people to a level of cultural and sporting achievement that is an example to the oppressed of this world and its progressive peoples.

This is an example which must be upheld by socialists and anti-imperialists and made known and popular in the present battles. The US has never stopped fearing that Cuba’s example is being followed and it is the all-powerful US that has singularly failed to prevent this development. Latin America, from Venezuela to the Caribbean, is burying the failed and bloody experiment of naked national and class exploitation known as neo-liberalism.

People spoke too of Cuba’s major role in the defeat of colonial regimes in Africa - from Algeria to Angola - and of how the 300,000 Cubans who fought there contributed to the eventual defeat of racist apartheid in South Africa. From internationalist soldiers fighting real humanitarian wars then to the tens of thousands of Cuban doctors and medical staff working in poor countries around the world now, Cuba’s successful struggle for survival in the context of the United States brutal blockade was recognised over and over as an incredible but inarguable reality. Statistics, accounts and powerful comparisons evidenced what is being gained under socialism in Cuba.

The present reality of the cuts in developed, imperialist Britain made a stark and shocking contrast. During the difficulties of Cuba’s Special Period from 1991, which meant an effective collapse of its economy, Fidel Castro made the point that not one school, day centre, old peoples home or hospital had closed and that the unemployed had not been abandoned. This is precisely the opposite of what is going on right now in Scotland, England and Wales and in capitalist countries around the world. Contributors cited the new Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! (FRFI) pamphlet - No Cuts -Full Stop! as an essential tool in arming the new anti-cuts movement with the arguments to defend the working class and point out the way to socialism. The hall erupted in applause to approve the warning made that we cannot allow this movement to be led by a Labour party which was carrying out those savage, inhuman cuts in local councils.

On the platform was Dominic O’Hara from the Glasgow Defence Campaign (GDC) and a supporter of FRFI. O’Hara is on trial after participating in student demonstrations in Glasgow against education cuts, and the GDC has been established to oppose political policing and defend democratic rights in Glasgow. O’Hara directly linked Cuba's social welfare provision to the current cuts in capitalist Britain. O’Hara challenged the criticisms made of Cuba’s human rights record as false and hypocritical. Democratic rights to organise and protest were seriously under attack from the state and its thuggish police, and we needed to go out onto the streets, go out to the people and organise, he declared.

Fidel’s condemnation of the brutal and repressive apparatus of capitalist states in defending injustice and privilege was raised and the complete absence of such measures in socialist Cuba proudly asserted. The working people and peasantry of this small island defeated - wiped out in 72 hours! - the sons of millionaire land owners, sugar barons and bankers armed by US multinationals, at the Bay of Pigs 50 years ago. Fidel Castro called this victory the first defeat of imperialism in the Western Hemisphere. The declaration of socialist revolution made by Cuba at that critical life or death moment brought about its welfare state of free education, health care and human solidarity. That declaration echoes through the decades to those organising to fight today’s battles here.

Venceremos! We Shall Win!
Long Live Socialist Cuba! No Cuts - Full Stop!

Cuba and Africa: A History Worthy of Pride

by Dr. Piero Gleijeses, Professor of US Foreign Policy, Johns Hopkins University.
Source: Socialist Voice, 25 August 2005.

Dr. Gleijeses is the author of Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington and Africa, 1959-1976, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002

The role of Cuba in the world since 1959 is unprecedented.[1] For more than four decades, Castro has challenged and humiliated the imperial arrogance of the United States. In the 1960’s, the fear of a second Cuba in Latin America dogged the leaders of the United States and impelled the creation of the Alliance for Progress. Since the end of the 1970’s until the end of the 80’s, Havana maintained a strong presence alongside those who fought for revolutionary change in Central America.

The arrival of 36,000 Cuban soldiers in Angola between November 1975 and March 1976 astonished the world; however, it was only one stage along the road beginning in 1959 that had taken the Cubans to Algeria, the Congo Leopoldville (later called Zaire), the Congo Brazzaville and Guinea-Bissau.[2]

Cuba denounces US acquittal of terrorist Carriles at the UN

UN: Cuba Denounces US Acquittal of Terrorist.
Source: Cubaminrex-Prensa Latina, 12 April 2011.

Cuba requested the UN on Monday [April 11, 2011] to distribute as an official UN document a note addressed to UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon by Cuba's Foreign Ministry condemning the acquittal of terrorist Luis Posada Carriles in a judicial farce in the United States.

In a press release, the Cuban Permanent Mission to the UN said that after three months of judicial farce in Texas, it took only three hours for the jury to find the notorious international terrorist not guilty.

Posada Carriles was acquitted from 11 charges of perjury, immigration fraud and obstruction of procedure, all risible accusations compared to the magnitude of his terrorist actions, including the bombing of a Cuban plane, killing all 73 people on board, in 1976 and his involvement in a
series of bomb attacks in Havana in 1997, said the note.

As Posada is acquitted, five anti-terrorist Cuban fighters are unfairly serving a collective 99-year sentence, plus two life sentences, in US prisons for informing on the plans of violent actions against Cuba conceived by terrorist groups based in U.S. territory, added the text.

During the past 12 years, Gerardo Hernandez, Antonio Guerrero, Fernando Gonzalez, Ramon Labanino and Rene Gonzalez, also known as The Cuban Five, have suffered inhuman, humiliating treatment in US prisons.

Posada Carriles' acquittal is an insult to the children without fathers, the widows and the mothers crying for the trail of death left by this terrorist, said the Cuban note.

The Cuban Foreign Ministry said that what happened in El Paso is a shame as it contradicts the US much-trumpeted war on terror, which has triggered military interventions and claimed thousands of lives in other countries.

The note wondered if Washington will be able to open another legal procedure against Posada Carriles for terrorism or proceed to his extradition to Venezuela, as requested over five years ago.

It said that the United States has the obligation by law to agree to this request as it is a signatory of international agreements in this regard and in compliance with UN Security Council resolution 1373 (2001).

Wednesday, 13 April 2011

Venezuela's Communal Councils

Communal councils and the whip of the counter-revolution
Source
: Venezuela: translating the revolution
Translated by Owen Richards, from Un Grano de Maiz, 06 April 2011.

Reality, history tells us that the Empire turns all areas of social life into politics, that is, into the defence of its capitalist system.

No corner of social activity escapes being used to perpetuate, to reproduce the system. So it is with art, film, theatre, the economy, social organisation - the capitalist Empire penetrates everything and puts everything at its service, or rather, all of society is the scene of a fierce battle between capitalism and socialism.

The following news recently appeared on a front page in the esqualido press:

“Communal Councils form a front to combat exclusion

“A thousand Communal Councils that failed to gain Fundacomunal registration created an organisation yesterday. In an assembly that took place at the Brion de Chacaito Plaza, representatives of these associations explained their reasons: without this procedure, they would not be able to receive funding for their projects. Therefore, signatures were collected to support the legal integration of the National Front of Excluded Communal Councils.”

One of this front’s promoters is William Ojeda, if there was any doubt about its intentions. As Che [Guevara] thought, the Empire has a good nose for sniffing out what should be used and what eliminated. The enemy understood before we did that the Communal Councils are above all political, and to be most effective they need to be integrated, and so they integrated in this anti-government, anti-socialist front, using the guise of community work.

The revolution, spurred on by the counter-revolution’s whip, must take a step forward and organise the Communal Councils into a national fabric, the only way to make them into strong fortresses in defence of Socialism - which is the real defence of their immediate problems.

The Communal Councils must understand - and it’s the party and the government’s job to make it understood – that the solution of their problems is only possible with socialism, and that if the opportunity is lost the country will fall once more into the capitalists’ hands. Then, inevitably, the days of spiritual and material misery will return multiplied a thousandfold.

So, the struggle against neighbourhood problems must be the battle for Socialism. Capitalism cannot resolve problems of its own making.

The job of creating this web of Communal Councils is vital and urgent. Capitalism attacks us on this front. The answer is to advance. Only this web will be a barrier against the egoism that grows in the isolated Councils. And only this web can absorb the teachings, ideology, and solidarity that is the foundation of Socialism.

Never before in history have we been so close to giving concrete form to Socialism, to the new society, to the new man. A national, social web of Communal Councils and Communes is a really important step on this path. Isolated Communal Councils are weak before capitalist seduction.

BBC distorts truth about Venezuela

Source: Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! (FRFI) 220, April/May 2011.

‘Land of plenty, land of poverty, Venezuela ought to be soaring, a great success story in South America, with exceptional oil wealth spreading prosperity to all’.
With these words James Robbins begins his documentary ‘Oil, Politics and Hugo Chavez’, part of the BBC’s Our World series first broadcast in February 2011. Sam McGill exposes this report as baseless propaganda.

CubaDebate's new website in English

Cubadebate opens its new Web page in English

With versions of Fidel Castro’s Reflections, El Paso Diary of José Pertierra, exclusive materials from Cuba’s Reasons series and news articles about various national and international themes, Cubadebate opens today [Mar 22nd, 2011 ] its Web page in English that you can find at:

http://en.cubadebate.cu

Of course, it will be always updated with information about the Cuban Five that are in jail in the United States, and the world wide solidarity for the freedom of these fighters against terrorism, that already have more than 12 years in prison after a judgment marred of irregularities and injustices in Miami.

This is the first of a series of blogs in many languages, at least 8, which we will publish in the next days, as beginning of the redesign of our Web site, public on the Internet since august 5th, 2003.

Although it is not a mimetic mirror of the Web site in Spanish, the English version of Cubadebate reproduces some of our most popular sections and the services for the Web 2.0, with its own channels on Facebook and Twitter, also it will keep opened its pages for the visitor’s opinions.


Fidel’s Reflections http://en.cubadebate.cu/category/reflections-fidel/
El Paso Diary http://en.cubadebate.cu/category/series/el-paso-diary/
Cuba’s Reasons http://en.cubadebate.cu/category/series/cubas-reason/
The Cuban Five http://en.cubadebate.cu/category/series/cuban-five/

Also the Twitter

And the Facebook

http://www.facebook.com/cubadebate.en

Saturday, 9 April 2011

Miami lawyer was worth every penny in Posada Carriles case

by Tracey Eaton, 08 April 2011.
Source: AlongtheMalecon

Ever tenacious Arturo Hernandez was relentless in his defense of anti-Castro militant Luis Posada Carriles and deserves much of the credit for Friday's verdict.

Posada Carriles should also thank U.S. District Court Judge Kathleen Cardone, who allowed some of the evidence against the defendant to be excluded. The judge also permitted hundreds of documents in the case to be filed under seal, so the public may never know what really went on behind closed doors unless one of the lawyers writes a tell-all book.

Read more...

US terrorist Carriles acquitted

Posada Carriles acquited on all counts
Source: South Journal, 08 April 2011.

After a three-month trial at El Paso Federal Court, it took the jury just three hours to find Luis Posada Carriles innocent of all 11 counts of perjury, fraud and obstruction of justice. Despite his terrorist records the defendant was not processed for his real crimes.

Luis Posada Carriles, accused of having masterminded the worst terrorist act in Latin America and other attacks against Cuba, of having coordinated illegal and violent actions in Central America and a CIA agent, faced a trial which, for the first time in the United States, included evidence and testimonies about his terrorism-related underground activity.

Posada has been identified as a dangerous terrorist by some US authorities; he has been on the Interpol lists and Venezuela has requested his extradition. However he has never faced a process similar to that of other terrorist suspects in the United States, or in the Guantanamo US naval base.

The charges of perjury and migratory fraud that he faced in El Paso focused on his illegal entry in the United States in 2005, as well as subsequent lies to US authorities about his role in some terrorist cases.

El Paso Diary: Day 39 of the Posada Carriles Trial

The Witness From María Elvira, Live!
By José Pertierra, April 6, 2011.
Source: CounterPunch.org

The María Elvira, Live! show came to El Paso this week. Luis Posada Carriles’ defense attorney turned the federal trial into a television talk show. The defense called Roberto Hernández del Llano as a star witness in an attempt to impeach the previous testimony of Cuban investigator Roberto Hernández Caballero, who had inspected the bombing scenes in Havana in 1997.

Hernández del Llano is one of María Elvira’s favorite guests. He is an habitué of television talk shows, where he holds forth on the personal lives of Fidel Castro, his wife and their children. He never offers any proof of what he says. He simply declares his assertions are true, so they can spread like wildfire in Miami’s Little Havana. Hernández del Llano tried to do the same here in El Paso.

Cuba on trial (again)
Before the witness testified, prosecutor Jerome Teresinski objected without success to Judge Kathleen Cardone. He reminded the judge that she had previously ruled that she would not allow Cuba to be put on trial. “This case is about the crimes of Luis Posada Carriles. It is not about Cuba,” he said.

The judge only partially agreed and said, “I have decided that the government of Cuba is not being tried here, but I will allow the witness to testify. As the questioning proceeds, you may object to the question, and I will decide if I will allow a response.”

Knowing that even an elephant can fit through the eye of the legal loophole the judge had just left open, Teresinski repeated his objection. “Your Honor, I don’t want to appear to quibble …”

“Hah!” bellowed the defense attorney from counsel table with a loud laugh.

Teresinski became livid. Without finishing his sentence, he said to the judge: “I see nothing funny here. His [the defense attorney’s] laughter is stunning. It is a lack of professionalism.”

The judge tried to placate him, but Teresinski continued to stew for the rest of the day. Each question that the defense attorney directed at the witness met a forceful objection from Teresinski.

The judge overruled nearly all of them, and Hernández del Llano was able to make under oath and in federal court the kinds of outrageous statements that have established his reputation as a provoking television personality on the María Elvira, Live!

The witness’ colorful declarations
He said that Roberto Hernández Caballero, the Cuban investigator who testified last month in El Paso, had personally tortured him in April 2005 at the Villa Marista prison in Cuba. He offered no details. He simply mentioned it.

The witness did not explain why he had never said this in any of his many television appearances on María Elvira, Live! Such a declaration would certainly have boosted the ratings, gotten him a raise and turned him into a hero in Miami’s Little Havana.

Hernández del Llano told the jurors that he had been a major in Cuba’s Interior Ministry (MININT), but that he resigned more than 20 years ago. He said he defected in 2007 and now lives–where else?–in Miami.

He declared that in 2003, two MININT counter-intelligence agents tried to re-recruit him. “The work that they wanted me to do involved a friend of mine and a relative, and so I refused,” he said. “Did you suffer any consequences?” asked attorney Arturo Hernández. “Yes. They threatened me and shortly thereafter, troops from Villa Marista invaded the home of my brother Pedro Hernández del Valle and evicted his family,” answered Hernández del Llano.

HHH
The direct examination of the witness sounded like blues in H flat: attorney Hernández asking Roberto Hernández about Roberto Hernández.

Roberto Hernández del Llano told attorney Hernández that Roberto Hernández Caballero was the one responsible for his arrest in 2005. “Since January of 2003, Hernández has directed an entire repressive operation against me,” said Hernández del Llano. “He tortured me physically and beat me.”

At that the judge called a recess. Maybe she wanted to sort out the Hernándezes. But also she had a number of pending matters she wanted to resolve. She has several other cases on her docket besides this one, and there were a dozen criminal defense attorneys in the courtroom (their clients in the court’s holding cell) waiting for sentencing hearings.

Arturo Hernández is not finished with his direct examination, and the prosecutor’s cross-examination of Roberto Hernández del Llano is still to come. The Government has access to the witness’ records, which includes his 2007 application for asylum. It also has access to FBI records regarding the witness and can ask Cuba for its records, assuming that the witness was actually a prisoner there.

The defense’s medical expert
Yesterday a pathologist hired by attorney Hernández also testified: Dr. Ronald K. Wright. He came to El Paso looking like Kentucky Fried Chicken’s Colonel Sanders, in a white suit and a bow tie. With a strong southern accent, he stated that he has testified in 520 cases, 178 of which were criminal cases.

With the exception of about six cases, he has always testified for the defense. “It’s because the prosecutors have cornered the market on forensic pathologists,” he said. He testified that Posada Carriles paid him $4,500 for his testimony. If we counted only the criminal cases in which he testified and multiply them by the $4,500 he was paid for this one, Dr. Wright would have earned more than $800,000 for his testimony over the years. Not a bad gig.

Fingers
Defense attorney Rhonda Anderson questioned Dr. Wright, and he testified that the shrapnel that struck the throat of Fabio Di Celmo was not the cause of death. The thirty-two-year-old Italian businessman died, said Dr. Wright, because of inadequate medical attention by the Cubans.

“If I’d been there, he wouldn’t have died,” the doctor said brimming with confidence. Of course, the Miami-based doctor did not explain how he could be so sure that if he’d been at the side of Di Celmo he could have avoided the shrapnel that fatally wounded the decedent.

“You just needed to hold down the bleeding by putting something on it. It’s a very simple procedure,” he declared. Lifting both arms in the air and moving his fingers around, the doctor said to the jurors. “Fingers, fingers, fingers. It’s quite simple. If somebody had used his fingers, Di Celmo could have survived for several hours.”

Vanity
The vainer the witness, the easier the cross-examination. Prosecutor Timothy J. Reardon quickly managed to get the witness to admit that Fabio Di Celmo died due to a severe hemorrhage.

“Mr. Di Celmo died, isn’t that true?” he asked.

Upon hearing the witness’ affirmation, he said, “You weren’t there, isn’t that true?”

“Correct,” answered the doctor.

“Are you saying that Di Celmo did not bleed to death?” Reardon snapped.

Dr. Wright hesitated and finally said, “Well, yes. But it didn’t have to happen.”

“It didn’t have to happen, because you would have known how to attend to him immediately with your fingers?” the prosecutor asked with obvious disdain.

Reardon didn’t wait for an answer. He pivoted away from the witness and walked to the prosecutor’s table saying, “I have no further questions.”


José Pertierra practices law in Washington, DC. He represents the government of Venezuela in the case to extradite Luis Posada Carriles. Translated by Machetera and Manuel Talens. They are members of Tlaxcala, the international network of translators for linguistic diversity.

Spanish language version.


See also: El Paso Diary: Day 38 of the Posada Carriles Trial: The Sound and Fury of Otto Reich, 05 April 2011.

Wednesday, 6 April 2011

Work of Cuban doctors benefits thousands of Bolivians

Source: Granma, April 4th, 2011

About thirty people per day benefit from the work of Cuban doctors at the Eye Hospital in El Alto, said the center's director, Barbara Gonzalez.

According to data of the Cuban medical brigade in the Andean nation, specialists have performed 82,000 operations and 91,000 consultations since arriving in El Alto, in the department of La Paz, reports Prensa Latina.


Under the Operation Miracle program, initiated in November 2006, Caribbean professionals who work at this center provide free care to low-income people from the city of La Paz and Peruvians and Chileans as well, said Gonzalez .


She noted that most frequently they deal with cataracts, refractive errors, diabetic retinopathy, retinal tears, and deviations from the retina and the so called eye flesh. Work in the Eye Hospital in El Alto is carried out with eleven physicians from Cuba.


According to the official data, thanks to Operation Milagro over 580,000 people have recovered or improved their vision in Bolivia, including many individuals from neighboring nations.


That health program aims to treat the eye conditions of the population and is inserted into the various plans developed as part of the Bolivarian Alternative for the Peoples of Our Americas (ALBA). Started in Venezuela, it is also applied in 31 countries in Latin America, the Caribbean, Asia and Africa.

Honduras National Civic Strike

Honduras: the Human Rights Emergency Continues
Source: ResistenciaHonduras.net, 4 April 2011.

Before the brief pause today, Thursday, March 31, due to discussions between the National Congress and the leadership of the Federation of Teachers’ Organizations of Honduras (FOMH), the citizenry suffered from the worst period of violations of their human rights. A state of emergency, without a doubt, implicating the police and army of the defacto regime that rules this country.

The events occurred in a systematic manner for the past three weeks, with the direct participation of the administrative apparatus of the State and the instruments of the monopoly of violence----the National Police and the Army---- have brought again, in a slight way, international attention to Honduras.

The attention of the world community to the crisis generated by the coup and coup ideology is still very insufficient, but it is key to brewing institutional solutions that create the minimal social and political consensus to transform the country.

For this reason, The Committee of the Families of the Disappeared Detainees in Honduras (COFADEH) asks with urgency that the different solidarity groupings and intergovernmental political forums publicly communicate political positions for an end to the disproportionate violence and repression that the militarized forces have launched against the civil population – discontented, demanding, and in resistance -since the coup d’etat of June 2009.

In the different geographic regions of the country the protests of the population in general, in solidarity with the teachers’ resistance defending free public education, were repressed with the use of excessive force that does not meet the requirements of the United Nations for the use of non-lethal weapons.

The National Civic Strike called by the National Front of Popular Resistance (FNRP) has left a tragic balance:

North
In San Pedro Sula, capital of the province of Cortes, the daughter of an ex-congresswoman from the Party of Democratic Unification (UD), Silvia Ayala, was wounded during the violent eviction of students from the University Center of the Valley of Sula, where dozens of students and professors were also detained.

A young student, Josue Rodriguez (20) was hit on the side of his head by his right ear by a metal tear gas canister fired by the policy into the interior of the university facility.

The installations of the Regional University Center were surrounded by lines of police and soldiers impeding the exit of students and professors while they were being attacked by tear gas bombs fired directly at their bodies, fainting and vomiting were caused by the inhalation of the gases.

In the municipalities of Santa Cruz de Yojoa, Potrerillos, La Lima and Choloma, in the province of Cortes, there were 43 persons detained for participating in the Civic Strike; they were not freed from the police station until yesterday, Wednesday, during the night; in some cases they had marks from the beatings they received and gave testimony of insults and discriminatory remarks made to them.

At the highway turn-off to La Flores, Santa Cruz, in Cortes, the (Police) Commissioner Rubi, nephew of the current Attorney General, unleashed a violent repression against the protest and ordered the detention of 17 people who were transferred to the First Police Station of San Pedro Sula. Among the detained were: Lidia Arita, Nedi Santos Castillo, Antonio Maradiaga and Glenda Cabrera. There were 6 people wounded by bullets, including Daisy Sabillon and Manuel Miranda, who were taken by private transport to the Mario Catarino Rivas Hospital in San Pedro Sula.

In addition, the riot police punctured the tires of more than 30 vehicles using their firearms, and knives and then chased the owners with tear gas and gunfire while they sought refuge in the forested area of the locale.

In Potrerillo, a town in the province of Cortes, in the area of the Colonia El Triunfo 5 people were detained: with head wounds (Alejandro Duarte Garcia), blows to the legs (Luciano Barrera Monroy) and lesions on the thighs (Haydee Marquez del Cid; Junior Mejia Murillo and Gloria Marina Perdomo Rodriguez).

Lawyers, Evaristo Euceda and Iris Bude, who were carrying out human rights defense work in the police station of Villanueva were verbally and physically assaulted by the police sub-inspector of the locale.

In the community of Tacamiche, a peasant settlement that belongs to the municipality of La Lima, Cortes, the repressive forces entered the settlement to fire toxic gases into the interiors of homes as revenge for the protest blockade of the highway to the town of San Manuel and Villaneva, Cortes. The director of the community school, Professor Esmeralda Flores along with teachers, Favricio Sevilla and Pedro Valladares, were taken to the First Police Station of San Pedro Sula.

Colón
During the Civic Strike called for Wednesday March 30 by the FNRP one man died in the community of Planes, municipality of Tocoa, in the north of the country, as a consecuence of the forced dispersal of the protesters by the Police and military who used live ammunition against the populace. The man was a security guard for a poultry distribution business.

In the same town, located near the conflictive zone of the delta of the Augan River – a scene of frequent disputes over land tenancy – 11 people were wounded by bullets; the wounded included peasants, educators and supposedly police.

Among those wounded by the gunfire were: Waldina Díaz, teacher from Trujillo; Neptalí Esquivel, of the peasant cooperative, Nueva San Esteban; Mauro Rosales of the Movimiento Unificado del Aguán (MUCA); David Corea, televisión cameraman in Olanchito; Juan Antonio Vásquez, president of the peasant cooperative, Bolero; Paulino Chávez Rosales and Franklin Hernández of the peasant cooperative, 4 de marzo; Víctor Euceda of the peasant cooperative, 4 de febrero; Daniel Pérez of the peasant cooperative, 4 de diciembre; professors Elías Erazo Hernández and Eduardo Rivera, of the community, De los Leones, in the municipality of Trujillo.

The detention of eight people, transferred to the Police Station in Saba was also reported.

In the Central Region
In Tegucigalpa, capital city of Honduras, the Nacional Autonomous University of Honduras was again the target of the combined forces of the police and army with hundreds of tear gas bombs launched into the interior of the campus from where students reacted by throwing rocks.

In the military incursión into a peripheral sector of the University there were 6 youth detained, accused of ilicit protest; they are Maynor Lizandro Aguilar (18), Marlon Alexander Rosales Rico (22), Douglas Manuel Flores (18); in addition, Oneyri Oneill Moreno Mejía of the Rainbow Collective (Colectivo Arco Iris), Marlon Nahúm Estrada, a taxi dispatcher at the university; Josué Sevilla and Elwin Meza were beaten with night sticks. All of the detained were freed during the afternoon.

Near the neighborhood of Las Brisas in South Tegucigalpa, three people were taken off a bus and taken to the Police Station of the neighborhood of La Granja, among them were two minors, Emerson Stevez Flores (15), Victor Geovanny Flores (14) and also Wilfredo Flores Aguilar (33), they were freed three hours alter their detention.

Before midday, six men dressed in civilian clothes and heavily armed tried to kidnap the youth Edy Guifarro, an employee of the Comisión of Truth (True Comisión ) when the taxi in which he was riding stopped at a stopsign in the Colonia San Jose de la Vega neighborhood. The individuals surrounded the taxi, beating him on his body and head with their weapons, but Edy was able to escape by running around the vehicles that were crowded around; the police followed him and fired 6 times, without giving any thought to the risk of wounding the people in the zone. Guifarro has a ruptured ear drum and wounds from the beating on the cranium.

In the offices of the College of Professors of Middle Education (COPEMH) police intelligence agents attempted to plant evidence against the teachers’ organization with the “discovery” and report to the Public Ministry that a box of molotov bombs were found in the public trash close to the center. The general coordinator of COFADEH, classified the action as a fabrication of evidence in order to strip the organization of its legal status

In the Municipality of Ajuterique, in the province of Comayagua, 500 families that had taken possesion of an area of land seven years ago, naming their community, Colonia 25 de October, were violently evicted by elements of the police and army accompanied by a judge. Their houses were destroyed, including the community school and the church. Five people were detained, Betuel Guillen (19), Edwin Guillen (18), Pedro Joel Hernández, Selvin Javier Centeno y Osmán Gómez (19).

In the South of the country
In Nacaome, provincial capital of de Valle, the police and army also launched a cruel repression firing tear gas into the interior of homes in which there were children who were severely affected. A 2-month-old baby, Cristopher de Jesús Bonilla García, was taken to a medical facility with symptoms of asphyxiation; alter evading the police who were impeding the parents from getting help, firing tear gas directly at their bodies. The father, a youth 17 years old, had to jump over a wall and give mouth to mouth resuscitation to the inert baby and then place him in the arms of his grandmother who getting on a motorcycle was able to take him to a doctor who helped him.

In the repression, two minors, Mario de Jesús Sauceda (19) y José Raúl Mendoza Posadas (17) were also pursued and detained, the later had been sent there to buy groceries by his mother. As well, a human rights defender, Andres Abelino Ortiz Ortega (74) was detained for several minutes.

In the community of La Flor, municipality of Amapala, in De Valle, police agents transported in boats, arrived at the community to intimidate the residents demanding that they tell them if they were a part of the Resistance protest during the Civic Strike.

These are reports of events of a single day, nonetheless, the tendency is that as the protests continue the pattern of aggression against the people and their human rights will continue being the same “for sedition and illicit demonstrations”.

The preceding days have been characterized by escalating institutional violence which makes it logical to deduce that the coming days will have, in addition to the combined forces of the police and army, armed civilian infiltrators to provoke the demonstrators into confrontations that will end in massacres.

It is urgent that the world turns its eye again towards Honduras, now; tomorrow may be too late.

For the deeds and the perpetrators, neither forget nor forgive.

COFADEH
March 31, 2011

Honduras police shot people with live fire during National Strike

31 March 2011.

The National Civic Strike faced violent repression nationwide, police surveillance in Chicago.

Wednesday, March 30th. Early in the morning several points throughout the country were taken over by the FNRP; The National Civic Strike, convened in the context of the assembly of last February and the more recent teachers' struggles, was considered a big success by the Honduran resistance. The government, in turn, responded with brutal repression in almost all points.

The most brutal repressive action took place in the road track known as Planes in the department of Colón, where people were wounded by live fire, leaving several injured. The wounded are now in Tocoa, Sonaguera and in Olanchito receiving medical treatment. During the afternoon, Juan Barahona declared on television that he held telephone communication with the injured “they say that they received bursts of shots fired leaving them seriously wounded in their arms and legs”.

There are reports of several detainees including students, injured and intoxicated.

Protestors in Chicago also faced police presence (see video, courtesy of La Voz de los de Abajo), and other demonstrations were convened in New York and Los Angeles later that afternoon by Departamento 19 Colectives and Solidarity Networks.

See extensive coverage on the National Civic Strike in Spanish.

Tuesday, 5 April 2011

Haiti's movement from below endures

by Jeb Sprague, 27 Mar 2011
Source: Al Jazeera.

Despite those in power trying to keep him out, the return of Aristide to Haiti has rekindled hope among the poor.

As twice ousted former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide and his family were escorted out from the airport tarmac in Port-au-Prince, loud chants of "Titid, Titid, Titid" rose from an ecstatic gathering that filled every space of a causeway leading out from the airport.

Sitting on walls, a few climbing a telephone pole, rows of youth jumped in excitement at the return of Aristide from exile in South Africa – a heroic figure for the people whose history is one indelibly rooted in resistance.

As the gates swung open for two police vehicles, an SUV with dark tinted windows and a white van carrying guests, an airport grounds man with a huge smile on his face clasped the hands of a skinny police officer motioning the cars through.



Heavily armed UN soldiers with sky-blue helmets stood in rows some 30 meters away.

The caravan made its way alongside the airport route. In waves, thousands poured in from the slums carrying flags and banners on foot. One man dressed as Jean Jacques Dessalines – the founding leader of Haiti – charged down the street atop a horse, waving the crowd forward. Many were on motorcycles or piled into trucks zooming through the dusty air.

Movement songs rang out. "Nou pap janm trayi san nou, san nou se san Aristide… li menm ki rasanble nou tout, fok nou tout ansanm fe youn" sang the jubilant flood of people, calling for unity in struggle.

A small group of former presidential security men and police provided escort. Around them surged a crowd estimated at between 7,000 to 15,000 strong.

Upon reaching the grounds of Aristide's home, crowds jumbled inside- sitting on trees and opening the side gate to let more in. It was so packed in the area around the front door that the family could barely make its way inside their house.

The return of an icon
In recent weeks, rumours swirled of Aristide's return. For decades he has been the most popular figure among Haiti's rural poor and urban slum dwellers.

Even with a resource-starved state his administrations launched a steady stream of social investment programs [PDF]: building more schools than in any time in the country's history, a national literacy ALPHA campaign, constructing and refurbishing medical clinics, the hospital of La Paix, and a university training doctors with the help of Cubans.

The poor have not forgotten this. Even under intense pressure from foreign powers, Aristide was able to disband Haiti's brutal military and refuse to go forward on privatisation sell-offs of state institutions that René Préval, his technocrat predecessor, took up.

Aristide is one of the few living people referred to as a hero by those in the tent cities dotting the capital after the January 11, 2010 earthquake that killed an estimated two hundred and fifty thousand people, possibly more.

On the day of his return, one group of Cité Soleil residents explained that they were unsure of what time Aristide's plane was landing.

The expected day and time of the arrival kept shifting, as powerful forces worked to avert the return. Adding to the confusion, perhaps intentionally, one elite radio station falsely broadcast that his plane would not arrive until March 22nd.

Many in the crowd chanted that the "eleksyon/seleksyon" in the next few days was "fini" – worthless. Maryse Narcisse, official spokeswoman of Aristide's party, Fanmi Lavalas (FL), called for a general boycott. Aristide denounced the continued exclusion of FL from elections just after he landed.

Party time
One of the biggest concerns FL now faces is reorganising. FL today remains widely popular among Haiti's poor majority – surviving against all odds – but its infrastructure has been weakened over the years.

Those remaining closest around Aristide are battle-scarred veterans of Haiti's social conflict, who remained steadfastly loyal as Aristide and his movement were relentlessly slandered by media monopolies over the years.

Most of these core leaders are in their 40s or 50s, variously targeted for assassination, thrown in jail, or pushed into exile by the illegal regimes that took office after the coups against Aristide in 1991 and 2004.

Many in the movement fondly remember fallen comrades such as Lovinsky Pierre Antoine, one of many brilliant grassroots organisers of FL who was disappeared – the tell-tale sign of a rightist paramilitary hit job.

Setbacks aside, FL remains the only national level popular movement. It has the potential, in some ways, to be better organised and more effective than it was in the past, to learn from its successes and failures.

No longer dragged down by the opportunistic politicians who attached themselves to Lavalas after it returned to office in 1994 (with international support), which then jumped ship when the US-financed opposition gained strength.

The FL leadership remaining is more principled, committed, and progressive. The legend of the movement's struggle, and Aristide's refusal (alongside others in FL) to bow to elite pressure still has the hearts of many of the capital's impoverished youth and rural families across the countryside.

Yet sectors of Haitian society have become politically apathetic, basically exhausted by years of political violence.

The Michel Martelly campaign, one of two candidates now running for the presidency, has sought to tap into apathy and disillusionment with a massive text and voice message cell phone campaign, propelling a corporatist project through hip rhetoric.

While most appeared disinterested in the elections, Martelly's campaign has had some success.

Problems at the polls
It was clear that with the first round of elections on November 28, 2010, many people were either unwilling or unable to vote.

The two final contenders from that round received a total of 10.4% according to the initial results; 4.3% voted for Martelly and 6% voted for Manigat. With an extremely low 27.1% of registered voters taking part, the bar was set low for the second round.

It is not yet clear how the voting for the second round of the (s)election, on March 20, has gone.

Al Jazeera found at one polling station that voting papers were missing. According to independent election monitors and some mainstream media it was a lower turnout but generally peaceful, while USAID and UN officials on the ground claimed it was slightly higher than the poorly attended first round.

In neighbourhoods and tent cities in the capital it was clear that many people were going on with their normal daily affairs.

Two independent journalists, Ansel Herz and Wadner Pierre, and myself, documented at two voting centres (at Building 2004 in central Port-au-Prince and another near the Karade tent city) that the same employees of Martelly's campaign – in official ballot observer T-shirts – were handing out food, illegally campaigning and coordinating voters just yards away.

At another voting centre, election workers told us that a group shouting Martelly's slogan "tet kale" attempted to pressure them into allowing the group to vote without IDs or inking themselves.

At a voting centre in Ti Plaz Kazo, a handful of supporters of Lavalas exclaimed they would vote for Martelly to give him a chance as a political outsider.

Martelly's advertising campaign has been intense. But unknown to many he has also found allies amongst death squad leaders who reliable sources allege have cut deals with the DEA.

The Associated Press reports that 150 former soldiers are training in the Port-au-Prince suburb of Carrefour.

This is worrisome: In the past, paramilitary waves of terror were largely overlooked by the media here and the foreign journalists that parachute in for brief stints.

In the coming years, Martelly's camp and a rejuvenated FL may well become the two major political movements.

For now the left has been excluded from elections, and the right remains very divided with a number of big business politicians calling fraud, and an elite former first lady Mirlande Manigat running against Martelly's well-funded top down movement.

Reorganising a movement
While it is clear many have jumped on the Martelly bandwagon pumped up by Wyclef Jean and other popular musicians, I also spoke to some who were backing Manigat because of her academic background, or out of pure disgust at Martelly's ultra rightist-affiliations or simply his vulgar public persona.

In Pétionville, the 'green zone' of Haiti's capital – where posters of Martelly and Manigat plaster the walls – some residents will privately acknowledge their fondness for Aristide but cower in public conversations, scared of the reaction it might provoke among those heavily swayed by years of elite media propaganda.

Torn by coups and cataclysmic natural disasters, Haiti's poor majority have successfully struggled for an inspirational victory with the return of Aristide and his family. Some lost their lives for it.

Their stories – such as the trials and tribulations of the late liberation priest Gérard Jean-Juste, a valiant anti-coup pro-democracy fighter until he lost his battle with cancer – are now part of a popular history.

While Aristide will undoubtedly serve as a key figure and strategist to a reorganising popular movement, his stated intention to invest his time in education is important.

His status can bring support and attention to grassroots projects that deserve significant help, such as those being launched on a shoestring budget at the Aristide Foundation for Democracy (Fondasyon Arisitid pou Demokrasi).

Lavalas and its affiliates around this country will need to strengthen their own discipline to avoid scuffles and rogue actions, that elites and the big business media never fail to pin on the movement as a whole or on Aristide personally – a longtime bogeyman who they conveniently blame for pulling all the strings of what is a disparate and truly dirt poor mass movement.

Building collectives within the tent cities, FL's base could work with a new generation of youth alongside more veteran cadre and supporters.

The popular movement can come back stronger, shedding those that held it back and damaged it, while expanding its circle of solidarity. Its organisers know that it will have to navigate carefully the many odd alliances that will likely spring up and the eventual attempts by various opportunists to wiggle their way back into its ranks.

Following a historical and world trend
The same resistance that propelled Toussaint Louverture, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Charlemagne Péralte, and Daniel Fignole, in many ways has been one single popular movement that has congealed throughout this country's history – part of what the late anthropologist Eric Wolf described as resistance to 500 years of war against the poor in the Americas.

Crucially, the movement in Haiti, while bounded to its own historical significance, is not alone.

It shares much in common with the movements in the Middle East and the Bolivarian tide that has swept parts of Latin America but run up against an onslaught of destabilisation and its own problems.

Progressives in North America are well aware of Haiti's struggle, as are many in Africa.

Haiti's popular movement can find valuable allies amongst the ALBA bloc or amongst groups organising transnationally through the World Social Forum.

It can build up its training capabilities, able to benefit from its small middle class and socialist wings.

While US and UN officials have done everything in their power to keep Aristide from returning home, he is here now – accomplishing one of the major demands of the popular movement that has proven its resilience time and again.


Jeb Sprague is the author of the forthcoming book Haiti and the Roots of Paramilitarism and was the recipient of a 2008 Project Censored Award, who also regularly blogs and tweets. Also find here a link to Aristide's entire return speech.

Former US President Jimmy Carter reports on his trip to Cuba

Trip Report by Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter to Cuba, March 28-30, 2011.
Source: Carter Centre, April 1, 2011

At the invitation of President Raul Castro, Rosalynn and I visited Havana on behalf of The Carter Center, accompanied by John Hardman, Jennifer McCoy, Robert Pastor, Melissa Montgomery, John Moores, and Diane Rosenberg.

Saturday, 2 April 2011

Low tuberculosis rate in Cuba

Source: RadioRebelde
by: Laura E. Perez, 1 April 2011.
Translated by Pedro A. Fanego Sea, Havana, Cuba.

The tuberculosis bacillus has infected one third of the world population and two million people die every year for that cause.

The current rate in Cuba is seven per every 100 000 inhabitants. It is very low, due to the development of control and treatment programs, indicated Dr. Antonio Marrero, member of the National Group of Respiratory Diseases, under the Ministry of Public Health.

He indicated that some of the actions are early diagnosis, performed by means of bacilloscopy, tests and cultivation of patients’ sputum. Today, molecular biology has become an additional, brand-new tool.

In the eve of the World Day against Tuberculosis the specialist pointed out that Cuba is one of the Latin American countries on the way to eradicate this ailment as a health problem.

Since 1971, the strategy recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO) for TB control is implemented in the country. It is known as direct surveillance treatment, where medical care and the required drugs are supplied to the patients free of charge.

The specialist explained that the disease main symptoms are respiratory, unremitting cough (for more than two weeks), associated to general symptoms like fever, anorexia, fatigue, loss of weight and night perspiration.

He also added that it is associated to AIDS, something that many call a mortal duet, because one accelerates the evolution of the other and both are related to immunodeficiencies.

Dr. Marrero remarked that tuberculosis becomes drug-resistant mainly as a consequence of partial or irregular treatments. Some patients fail to observe, what physicians strictly indicate to improve their condition.

Nowadays, there is no effective vaccine to prevent the disease. He remarked that BCG (Bacillus of Chalmette and Guerin), applied to newborn babies, protects them during 2 years from TB most serious forms, but it does not produce lifetime immunity.

The World Day against Tuberculosis is globally sponsored by the WHO and the International Union against Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases.

German bacteriologist Robert Koch discovered its causal agent, the tuberculosis bacillus on March 24 1882. As a result, he won the Nobel Prize in 1905. This was reportedly the first step toward the diagnosis and cure of the disease. Koch is regarded, next to Louis Pasteur, as the fathers of Bacteriology. He laid the foundations for contemporary medical microbiology. In addition, he was appointed head of the Hygiene Department of Berlin University in 1885. During this stage of university work, he discovered the first product effective in the cure of tuberculosis: tuberculin.

Waiting for Fidel by Michael Rubbo

Source: National Film Board of Canada (NFB), 1974.

NFB Synopsis:
This feature-length documentary from 1974 takes viewers inside Fidel Castro's Cuba. A movie-making threesome hope that Fidel himself will star in their film. The unusual crew consists of former Newfoundland premier Joseph Smallwood, radio and television owner Geoff Stirling and NFB film director Michael Rubbo. What happens while the crew awaits its star shows a good deal of the new Cuba, and also of the three Canadians who chose to film the island.


Interview with former US President, Jimmy Carter, by Arleen Rodríguez Derivet, Cuban Television journalist

Source: NATIONAL COMMITTEE TO FREE THE CUBAN FIVE
Mar. 30, 2011, Reprinted from CubaDebate
Translation by Machetera.



"I have been informed by officials, for instance, that the shooting down of the small plane[s] over Havana, that caused the death of two pilots, was done after the President of the United States informed Cuban leaders that no more flights would take place. And I was informed by Cuban officials that they notified the President of the United States very clearly, that they could not permit a plane to fly over their capital city...dropping leaflets...but that they would protect the sovereignty of Cuba. So even those more serious allegations, in my opinion, are very doubtful, about their need or cause of the extensive sentences that have been granted to one of the prisoners. So in every way, in my private report with Obama when I return to the United States, in my public statements like today, in my previous conversations with American leaders, I've called for the release of the Cuban Five. One of the reasons is that, guilty or not, they've served a long prison sentence already, more than 12 years, and the fact that they've been punished adequately, even if they are guilty." - Jimmy Carter

Arleen Rodríguez: Hello! A greeting to all of those who are watching Cuban Television right now. I welcome all of you, along with the former President of the United States, James Carter, who just moments before leaving to return to his country has graciously agreed to give us an interview, and an exclusive statement for our television broadcast.

Welcome. Thank you for accepting our invitation

Jimmy Carter: It's a great pleasure to return to Cuba, to Havana.

Rodríguez: It's a great pleasure to have you here as well. You told me that you'd like to say something to the Cuban people before our interview.

Carter: Yes.

Rodríguez: The camera is yours.

CIA, spies and videotapes

CIA, Spies and Videotapes – Cuba exposes US programme of subversion
by Helen Yaffe

First published in Fight Racism! Fight Imperialism! No. 220, April/May 2011.

‘The majority of Cubans support Castro…There is no effective opposition…The only foreseeable means of alienating internal support [from the government] is through disenchantment and disaffection based on economic dissatisfaction and hardship… to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government.’ Lester D Mallory, US government official, 6 April 1960.

‘Our objective is to accelerate the development of an opposition in Cuba’ Livingston Merchant, US government official, 14 January 1960.

‘[W]e see very little evidence that the mainline dissident organizations have much resonance among ordinary Cubans…Despite claims that they represent "thousands of Cubans”, we see little evidence of such support.’ Jonathan Farrar, Head of the US Interest Section in Havana, 15 April 2009.

During a state visit to Chile on 21 March 2011, US President Obama announced: ‘we’ll continue to seek ways to increase the independence of the Cuban people, who I believe are entitled to the same freedom and liberty as everyone else in this hemisphere.’ The ways sought by the US administration have been amply exposed since January 2011 through two court cases and by four Cuban agents. US policy has evolved, adapted and expanded, but the objective has remained unchanged since 1960 - the destruction of Cuba’s socialist revolution. Helen Yaffe reports.

While the US blockade has attempted ‘to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government’ (Lester D Mallory, US government official, 6 April 1960),[1] the programme of fostering internal dissent was kept secret from 1959 to 1990. However: ‘In 1991, following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the financial and logistical support to Cuban dissidents became public and was integrated into US law’ (Salim Lamrani, Znet, 15 March 2011).

Programmes were run by the CIA until 1987 when Cuban authorities used evidence from 27 undercover agents to expose illegal activities and the use of diplomatic status as a cover for CIA operations. Subsequently, government-funded organisations have been used to promote internal opposition: the US Agency for International Development (USAID), National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the International Republican Institute (IRI), the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and Freedom House. US imperialism’s ‘unwavering support for human rights, democracy, and the open market system’ (Commission for Assistance to a Free Cuba website) is backed by serious money. US President Bush’s administration of 2001 to 2008 ‘invested’ $166 million in pursuing capitalist restoration. The Obama administration has allocated $60 million to this end from 2009 to 2011.

The innovation since 2008 has been the use of private contractors commissioned to carry out destabilisation programmes in Cuba. Projects and funds have been filtered through European NGOs which, under the guise of defending ‘human rights’ and promoting ‘democracy’, serve the imperialist war against socialist Cuba.

Recent European funding recipients include:[2]

  • Polish Lech Walesa Institute - provides access to technological resources and training to Cuban counter-revolutionaries and shares experience of the collapse of the socialist bloc and the so-called ‘colour revolutions’.
  • Serbian OTNOP – youth opposition movement set up with funds from NED in 1998, it also receives funds from USAID and promotes ‘peaceful marches’ among Cuban youth and artists.
  • Czech People in Need and Slovakian People in Peril – provide technology and training, organise oppositional seminars and international support for the tiny Cuban opposition. People in Need received $200,000 from USAID in 2010.
  • Slovakian Pontis Foundation – provides access to technology and communications apparatus, prepares ‘leaders’ for transition and gives money to the families of opposition prisoners. Pontis had received $108,000 from the IRI leading up to September 2008.
  • Spanish Solidarity with Cuba – Sends telecoms equipment to the island for subversive activities, provides personnel and technical advice and cultivates counter-revolutionaries as bloggers, journalists and ‘independent’ trade unionists. Between September 2008 and December 2009 they received $615,000 from IRI.

Imperialist hypocrisy is astonishing! First, for 50 years the US has tried to economically suffocate Cuba through the illegal blockade, which has cost Cuba $236 billion. Then it invests millions of dollars in creating an internal opposition to the revolutionary government. Second, having obstructed Cuban telecommunications through the US blockade, prohibiting Cuba from connecting to the Caribbean optic fibre cable circuit, the imperialists turn internet access into a tool for creating the impression of an internal opposition in Cuba and to encourage such an opposition to emerge.

Two court cases

Luis Posada Carriles – the CIA’s own terrorist
On 10 January the trial of CIA-trained terrorist Luis Posada Carriles began in El Paso, Texas. He is being prosecuted by the US government on 11 charges of perjury, obstructing justice and false testimony, accused of lying to immigration officials about his entry into the US in March 2005.
Carriles has been on the CIA payroll on and off since 1959. He was imprisoned in Venezuela for the bombing of a Cuban civilian aeroplane in 1976 which killed 73 people, and in Panama for the plan to blow up a university auditorium during the visit and speech by Cuban President Fidel Castro in 2000. He escaped from prison in Venezuela and was pardoned by the outgoing President of Panama. In 1998, New York Times journalist Ana Bardach cited Carriles as boasting about his responsibility for the bombing campaign against Cuban hotels in 1997 which claimed the life of Italian tourist Fabio Di Celmo. ‘We just wanted to make a big scandal so that the tourists don't come any more’, Carriles told Bardach. ‘The Italian was in the wrong place at the wrong time, but I sleep like a baby.’ He also said: ‘The CIA taught us everything. They taught us explosives, how to kill, bomb trained us in acts of sabotage.’ In El Paso, however, Carriles is not on trial for terrorism, but for lying to immigration officials.

The prosecution case ended in late March after calling 23 witnesses. Almost daily updates are provided by Cuban-born, Washington-based lawyer Jose Pertierra (see http://en.cubadebate.cu). Pertierra represents Venezuela’s extradition order against Carriles who became a Venezuelan citizen while working as a ‘paid asset’ of the CIA in Venezuela from 1968 to 1976. The US has refused to extradite Carriles to Venezuela or Cuba for trial, claiming he would face torture in those countries. Pertierra responded: ‘The only evidence I have seen of torture in Cuba comes from the US military base at Guantanamo Bay.’ The real issue is the information which Carriles could reveal about his work for the CIA which, in addition to terrorism against Cuba, includes the dirty war against the Sandinista government in Nicaragua in the 1980s. Carriles has threatened to release his memoirs if anything happens to him.

Alan Gross – mercenaries’ mercenary
On 12 March, after a court case involving ten witnesses, nine experts and material and documentary evidence, Cuban judges found US citizen Alan Gross guilty of subversion against the state and the revolution and sentenced him to 15 years in gaol. Entrepreneur and mercenary Alan Gross was contracted by the US company Development Alternatives Inc (DAI), which in 2008 had won a $6 million contract with USAID to ‘advance democracy’ in Cuba. This involved taking communications equipment, satellite phones and laptops with internet access into Cuba to promote subversion whilst posing as tourists. At the time of Gross’s arrest in Havana on 4 December 2009 he had travelled to Cuba as a tourist five times in nine months. Gross had received similar previous contracts with USAID to operate in Afghanistan and Iraq. His employer, DAI, has won more than $2.7 billion in USAID contacts from 2000 to the third quarter of 2009.

Cuba’s Reasons – four agents reveal their work
On the evening of Saturday 26 February, Cuban television broadcast ‘Pawns of Imperialism’, an episode in the series Razones de Cuba (Cuba’s Reasons),[3] detailing close links between the internal counterrevolution, the right-wing exile community and the US government. Evidence of these links was provided by two Cuban state agents who had infiltrated the ranks of the so-called ‘dissident’ movement. The first was Moises Rodriguez, who spent 20 years posing as a counter-revolutionary, working closely with the US Interest Section (USIS) in Havana. The second was Carlos Serpa, who spent ten years posing as an ‘independent journalist’ for Radio Martí and numerous blogs and websites. As President of the Union of Free Journalists in Cuba, an organisation without members, Serpa worked closely with the Ladies in White (relatives of the US-paid opposition imprisoned in 2003), accompanying their processions through Havana.

Rodriguez received instructions directly from functionaries of the USIS, who sent him to the US to meet Carriles and informed him of plans to destabilise Cuba. Both agents explain how the USIS supervises the counterrevolution and had evidence that the Ladies in White receive payment for their activities from another known terrorist Santiago Alvarez, a subordinate of Carriles (see Cuban agents prove US finances dissidents). On the programme Serpa demonstrates how easy it is to launch a media campaign against Cuba. He rings CIA-founded Radio Marti and tells them that he was arrested and detained by Cuban police who confiscated his camera and memory stick. One hour and a half later the ‘news’ is broadcast on Radio Marti with no attempt to verify the claim. The lie becomes fact.

In the second episode, ‘Truths and Principles’, broadcast on 7 March, Dalexi Gonzalez, a Cuban engineer in computer sciences explains how in 2007 he was contacted by a internet security specialist, who visited the island as a tourist and trained him in encrypted communication. In 2008 he was given four satellite antennas camouflaged as surfing boards to enable coded information to be transmitted, to facilitate the installation of clandestine networks serving as a parallel communications system to be used in attempts to fabricate a Cuban ‘uprising’. This is a strategy we have seen in Eastern Europe and more recently in Iran and North Africa.

In ‘Well Paid Lies’, broadcast on 14 March, Frank Carlos Vazquez, explains how soon after setting up the Independent Cultural Centre in 1998 to promote the work of young Cuban artists overseas, he was recruited by CIA officials working under diplomatic cover in Havana. They hoped to foster the emergence of a critical intelligentsia to oppose the government. Twice they organised and paid for him to travel to the US. ‘I met and had work sessions with the Mayor of Chicago, Richard Daley…we also met with different Latin American and Afro-American Congress people’, Vazquez said. For ten years Vazquez was informing the Cuban state about all their moves and proposals.

The programme ‘Cyberwars’, broadcast on 21 March, describes cyber-war as ‘waged using information, communications, algorithms and bytes. It’s the new form of invasion originated in the developed world.’ In 2009 ‘irregular warfare’ became official Pentagon doctrine and in 2010 the Pentagon approved a $90 billion budget for the US cyber-command. Cuba is a key target of these operations – along with Venezuela, China and Iran. 90,000 people are believed to be employed under the US cyber-war strategy, which includes obstructing the abilities of those countries to defend themselves through the internet. For example, in January 2011, Google removed the CubaDebate’s channel on YouTube, which it owns, eliminating more than 400 videos which had received 1.7 million hits over three years (see FRFI 219).

The documentary revealed the innovative way in which counter-revolutionaries ‘bloggers’ are paid - not via the USIS payroll or cash sent by Cuban exile groups. Instead their payment is awarded via international prizes from corporate agencies. Opposition blogger Yoanni Sanchez has received a total of $500,000 in this way. Film footage showed Yoanni Sanchez entering the US, Polish and Dutch embassies and chatting to a German diplomat and the CIA’s representative in Havana. There were also interviews with some of the hundreds of young Cuban bloggers who, supportive of the Revolution, do not receive prize money nor enjoy internet access in foreign embassies.

In broadcasting these documentaries the Cuban government has shown irrefutable photographic and documentary evidence that imperialist plans to destroy the socialist revolution continue. What also continues is the commitment from young Cubans who, in defence of the socialist Revolution, prefer to serve as agents of the revolutionary government than lackeys of imperialism – regardless of the material awards on offer. Cuba’s response to the counterrevolution is patient and intelligent. Aware of the opposition’s immense resources and its insidious plots, the government maintains direct communication with the Cuban people so that they are capable of knowing their enemies and defending their revolution.

________________________________________
[1] 1960s quotes cited by Salim Lamrani, Znet, 15 March 2011.
[2] See ‘Los Caballos de Troya de la CIA’ in YouTube.
[3] These documentaries are available with English subtitles at http://www.youtube.com/user/razonesdecuba#p/a or via Rock around the Blockade's website http://www.ratb.org.uk/videos

Former US President Jimmy Carter's press conference in Cuba

PRESS CONFERENCE BY JIMMY CARTER IN HAVANA

Source: South Journal, 31 March 2011.

Before concluding his three-day visit to Cuba, Jimmy Carter gave a press conference about his agenda on the island, of which we bring you a wrap-up next:


In his introductory statement he said that when he was in office he did all possible efforts to improve diplomatic links between the United States and Cuba. He said he lifted all Cuba-travel restrictions for US citizens and along with Fidel Castro he worked in the setting up of interest sections both in Washington and Havana.

Carter said the US commercial “embargo” on Cuba should be lifted immediately as well as the limitations on US citizens to travel to Cuba and vice versa. He said he wanted to learn about the upcoming Communist Party Congress, to be held in April and that he has been given information on the future plans for Cuba.


He told the reporters that he had met with President Raul Castro and with Fidel Castro, whom he saw enjoying good health; he also met with some groups that criticize the Cuban government and he added he hoped that some of their complaints will receive a response from the Cuban authorities in the future.

As to the case of the five Cubans incarcerated in the United States since 1998, the former US president said that their imprisonment has no sense since American courts have shared doubts about it, as have human rights organizations around the world. They have been in jail for 12 years now, he said and added he hoped that they can be released in the near future. Carter also met with two of the mothers and three of the wives of the Cubans imprisoned in the U.S.

He explained that on Wednesday morning he was able to meet with Alan Gross, a man he thinks is innocent of posing a serious threat to the Cuban people and government and that Gross was sentenced to a long prison term. He said he hoped he will soon be released too.

Carter stressed that there are many things both countries can do to improve relations and have normal links in all possible ways. And he reiterated his gratitude to Raul Castro and other government officials for having allowed him to visit and talk with them.

During the Q/A Session Carter replied to an AP question about the possibility that he could take Alan Gross back to the U.S. with him and if he considered that an exchange of Gross for the five Cuban was possible. In this regard, Carter said he had not traveled to Cuba to coordinate any kind of exchange and that the cases of Gross and the Five are different and must not be related. He considered that Gross should be released because he is innocent—Carter explained—and that the five Cubans should also be freed because they have already been 12 years in prison. In the case of Gross, Carter said an appeal would follow or a possible executive order could be given in the future to release him on humanitarian grounds. His daughter is very sick, while he has lost other family members, said Carter. But he did not expect to take Gross back home with him he said and recalled that Cuban officials had made it clear before he left the United States that Gross would not be released.

Responding to a question by Associated Press Television about a meeting with Obama after this trip to Cuba, Jimmy Carter explained that he will do so to express his opinion he gave the press and about other confidential issues.

Referring to what each country could do to improve relations, Carter said he wished that US travel restrictions to Cuba be lifted as well as limitations on the transfer of humanitarian funds to Cuba. He recalled some meetings with members of the diplomatic community in Havana who said they have found it quite difficult, over the past two years, to bring humanitarian aid to the Cuban people through normal channels because the United States limits the transfers. This was also corroborated by European Union leaders, and this lifting of restrictions could be immediately done by the President of the United States, Carter noted.

He also said he wished to see the complete abolishment of the Helms-Burton Law because in his opinion the approval and signing of it by former President Bill Clinton was a serious mistake.

As to other actions, Carter hopes that Mr. Gross be released and that the five Cubans return home. Any effort on the part of the United States aimed at improving the life of the Cuban people based on financial assistance or other means is a suspicious act, according to the Helms-Burton law, because the legislation is aimed at putting an end to the “Castro regime”. In his opinion that law is counterproductive because when he was president he could do anything he wanted with respect to the travel restrictions and the reestablishment of relations.

As to the congress people of Cuban descent he said they are acting in a very counterproductive manner by trying to blame or punish the Cuban government, when in fact they are punishing the people of Cuba by backing these restrictions.

To the question that if he would agree to be a mediator between the two countries, Carter replied that there is slight chance that he can be asked that kind of service, though he would be happy to help.

Carter also told reporters that he believed Cuba should be taken out of the US list of countries sponsoring terrorism. He said he has learned about a close cooperation between Cuban and US intelligence services to fight threats by Al Qaida and other organizations in the gulf region. The only allegations made by the United States against the Cuban government are related to some groups in Colombia like the FARC and ETA from Spain. But such allegations about Cuba sponsoring terrorism have no grounds so the US President could put Cuba out of the list.

And responding to BBC if he tackled issues like the freedom of expression, the freedom to travel, the economic changes to be analyzed by the upcoming Communist Party Congress, during his meetings with Raul Castro and leader Fidel Castro, Jimmy Carter recalled that when he visited Cuba nine years ago he addressed the people on TV and on the radio and that the Granma newspaper published his statements just as he made them, which expressed his wish about those topics and carried his recommendations.

He said that although he was not very familiar with the details or aspects of the text to be analyzed by the Communist Party Congress, he was informed that some 8 million Cubans gave their opinions on the document. Carter added that the Cuban foreign minister told him that thousands of amendments proposed to the text and that over 65 percent of the paragraphs had been modified on the basis of such proposals.

Finally, Carter said that the members of “dissident groups” he met in the morning told him that many of them had abstained from expressing any requests on personal liberties, because they did not want to be linked to the procedure, since they are in disagreement with its integrality. While others did express their requests, though he said he was not familiarized with the document or with what is trying to be achieved.

Thursday, 31 March 2011

Honduras repression continues in Garífuna

Honduras: The Coup d'Etat, its Inheritors and the Criminalization of Social Protest
by Miriam Miranda, 29 March 2011
Source: HondurasResists
(Translated by Matt Ginsberg-Jaeckle)

Miriam Miranda, intentionally fired at with a tear-gas canister, and then singled out and illegally detained, March 28, 2011, in Triunfo de la Cruz, a Garifuna village, North-coast of Honduras

Miriam Miranda writes:

Yesterday I was captured in a selective way by agents of the Ministry of security in the middle of a protest around the Garífuna community Triunfo de la Cruz. In the process of being arrested they shot several tear-gas bombs at me which hit me in the abdomen, causing burns on my stomach, afterward I was assaulted and as the police beat me they cursed with racial insults.

The operation, directed by Sub-Commissioner Víctor Sánchez Bonilla, the one who in the midst of the crowd pointed me out to his subordinates to be the only own captured amongst all the people, demonstrates the strategy by the repressive forces of focus on social movement leaders as military objectives.

It is worth mentioning that upon being captured they took me directly to the Tela jail cell without completing requirements, without medical attention for the burns and the poisoning that I suffered from the tear gas bombs. It wasn't until two and a half hours later that they read me my rights without telling me what they were accusing me of. Later on the Judge on shift informed me that they were accusing me of sedition.

In Honduras the chaos by which the country was subsumed due to the 2009 coup d'etat perpetrated by the judicial and legislative powers and the armed forces, under the instructions of the U.S. right wing and of course the Pentagon, continues.

Despite the plastic smiles of state functionaries and their eagerness to achieve international recognition, the criminalization of social protest has sharpened with the regime of Porfirio Lobo, who with his sinister ways discredits his administration in the eyes of human rights organization.

Thanks to the solidarity and international pressure, pressure from the Garífuna community and of Hondurans conscious of the current crisis, they conceded me "provisional" freedom. The operators of justice of Honduras under pressure saw themselves obliged to carry out their duty.

Nonetheless in the jails of the country are detained countless political prisoners, as is the case of the 18 teachers who in this moment are held by the prison in the capital of the republic.

The intensification of the violence against the popular resistance is part of the methods of security dictated by the Colombian boss Alvaro Uribe, advisor in repression, who a few weeks ago announced a conference in El Salvador about "democratic decurity," to which Mr. Porfirio Lobo and his dolphin Oscar Álvarez punctually agreed. The colombianization of Central America is reaffirmed by the the Mérida Initiative and the militarization that we suffer.

In the midst of the international year of "Afro-descendants," the Garífuna of Honduras are suffering an accelerated expulsion from our territories that we have inhabited for 214 años. At the same time some Afro-rights organizations have allied with the repressor regime and are trying to celebrate the territorial evictions happening as much in Africa as in Latin America through a supposed world summit of Afro-descendants that serves as an instrument and make-up for the violence of the current government and its neo-liberal policies.

Through the Assembly of the Peoples of the Land and Sea, carried out in February of this year in the community Durugubuti Beibe, the indigenous and black peoples of Honduras reaffirm the defense of our territory, the right to autonomy, the respect for the right to consultation and the immediate suspension of the construction of the hydroelectric dams in the Patuca river: a death sentence for the Tawahka people and the country.

Thank you very much once again to international solidarity and the movement of all of us, what happened yesterday demonstrates that prompt actions achieve positive results.

For a free, pluri-cultural, democratic, participatory, anti-militarist, anti-racist and anti-patriarchal Honduras,
NATIONAL CONSTITUTIONAL ASSEMBLY NOW!

La Ceiba, March 29th, 2011

Miriam Miranda
General Coordinator
National Fraternal Black Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH)